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have attacked the wealthy and well-walled city of Amustris, which was said to have been saved by a miracle. We also hear of an expedition against the Chersonese, the despoiling of Cherson, and the miraculous escape of Sugdaia. Such hostings of Russian marauders, a stalwart and savage race, provide a complete explanation of the mission of Petronas to Cherson, of the institution of a stratégos there, and of the co-operation of the Greeks with the Khazars in building Sarkel. In view of the Russian attack on Amastris, it is significant that the governor of Paphlagonia assisted Petronas; and we may conjecture with some probability that the need of defending the Pontic coasts against a new enemy was the motive which led to the elevation of this official from the rank of katepano to the higher status of a stratégos.

The timely measures adopted by Theophilus were efficacious for the safety of Cherson. That outpost of Greek life was ultimately to fall into the hands of the Russians, but it remained Imperial for another century and a half; and when it passed from the possession of Byzantium, the sacrifice was not too dear a price for perpetual peace and friendship with the Russian state, then becoming a great power.

Some years after the appointment of the stratêgos of Cherson, Russian envoys arrived at the court of Theophilus (A.D. 838-839). Their business is not recorded; perhaps they came to offer excuses for the recent hostilities against the Empire. But they seem to have dreaded the dangers of the homeward journey by the way they had come. The Emperor was dispatching an embassy to the court of Lewis the Pious. He committed the Russians to the care of the ambassadors, and in his letter to Lewis requested that sovran to facilitate their return to their own country through Germany.? noted that the Russians were also a Prince Bravalin, sailing from Cherson danger for Trapezus (Trebizond), a to Kerch, attacked Surozh, which was great entrepôt for trade between saved by the miraculous intervention Roman and Saracen merchants (see of St. Stephen. The date 6360 would Le Strange, Eastern Caliphate, 136), be 852 ; but the dates of the Russian though we do not hear that they chronicles for this period are untrustattacked it.

worthy. Pseudo-Nestor, for instance, i Besides the Life of Stephen, see places the accession of Michael III. the passage of the Russian Chronicle in 852. of Novgorod (A.M. 6360) quoted by 2 Ann. Bert., s.a. 839. The embassy Muralt, Chron. byz. 426-427 (s.a. 842). arrived at the court of Lewis in April A Russian band of Novgorodians, under or May. It is quite possible that these bloody race of the Scythians, oi Anecdota Bruxellensia, I. Čhroniques λεγόμενοι Ρώς, having come through byzantines du Mscr. [Brux.] 11,376

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In their settlement at Novgorod, near the Baltic, the Russians were far away from the Black Sea, to the shores of which their traders journeyed laboriously year by year. But they were soon to form a new settlement on the Dnieper, which brought them within easy reach of the Euxine and the Danube. The occupation of Kiev is one of the decisive events in Russian history, and the old native chronicle assigns it to the

year

862. If this date is right, the capture of Kiev was preceded by one of the boldest marauding expeditions that the Russian adventurers ever undertook,

In the month of June, A.D. 860, the Emperor, with all his forces, was marching against the Saracens. He had probably gone far? when he received amazing tidings, which recalled him with all speed to Constantinople. A Russian host had sailed across the Euxine in two hundred boats, entered, the Bosphorus, plundered the monasteries and suburbs on its banks, and overrun the Islands of the Princes. The inhabitants of the city were utterly demoralised by the sudden horror of the danger and their own impotence. The troops (Tagmata) which were usually stationed in the neighbourhood of the city were far away with the Emperor and his uncle;' and the fleet was absent. Having wrought wreck and ruin in Russians belonged to a different com- Ign., are in perfect accordance. The munity from those who had attacked other sources for the episode are Cherson and Amastris. Novgorod Photius, Homiliai, 51 and 52; was hardly the only settlement at this Simeon (Leo. Gr. 240-241); Joann. time. But here we are quite in the Ven. 117. dark. For the embassy see above, 2 Simeon (Cont. Georg. ed. Muralt,

736 ; vers. Slav. 106) yeyevnuévou non 1 The date of the Russian expedition

κατά τον Μαυροπόταμον. This place (which used to be placed in A.D. 866)

(cp. above, p. 274, n. 4) has not been is now incontrovertibly fixed to A.D.

certainly identified. 860 by the investigation of de Boor

Cumont, and Simeon. (Der Angriff der Rhôs). The decisive

Joann. Ven, says 360. proof is the notice in a brief anonyinous chronicle (from Julius Caesar to 4 Nicetas, Vit. Ign. 236 : - The Romanus III.) published by Cumont,

the Euxine to the Stenon (Bosphorus) (Ghent, 1894). The passage is hoov

and plundered all the places and als Ρώς σύν ναυσι διακοσίαις οι διά πρεσβειών

the nionasteries, overran likewise the της πανυμνήτου θεοτόκου κατεκυριεύθησαν

islands around Byzantium.” The exυπό των Χριστιανών και κατά κράτος

Patriarch, then at Terebinthos, was in ηττήθησάν τε και ήφανίσθησαν, June 18, danger. ind. 8, A.M. 6368, in fifth year of 5 The absence of Bardas seems a safe Michael III. Note the accurate state- inference, as only Ooryphas the prefect ment of the date (Michael's sole reign is mentioned as being left in chargo began in March 856). The chrono- (Simeon). For Ooryphas see above, logical data supplied by Nicetas, Vita Chap. IV. p. 144.

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P. 273.

3 Anon.

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the suburbs, the barbarians prepared to attack the city. At this crisis it was perhaps not the Prefect and the ministers entrusted with the guardianship of the city in the Emperor's absence who did most to meet the emergency.

The learned Patriarch, Photius, rose to the occasion; he undertook the task of restoring the moral courage of his fellow-citizens. If the sermons which he preached in St. Sophia were delivered as they were written, we may suspect that they can only have been appreciated by the most educated of his congregation. His copious rhetoric touches all sides of the situation, and no priest could have made better use of the opportunity to inculcate the obvious lesson that this peril was a punishment for sin, and to urge repentance. He expressed the general

? feeling when he dwelt on the incongruity that the Imperial city, “queen of almost all the world,” should be mocked by a band of slaves, a mean and barbarous crowd.? But the populace was perhaps more impressed and consoled when he resorted to the ecclesiastical magic which had been used efficaciously at previous sieges. The precious garment of the Virgin Mother was borne in procession round the walls of the city ;8 and it was believed that it was dipped in the waters of the sea for the purpose of raising a storm of wind. No storm arose, but soon afterwards the Russians began to retreat, and perhaps there were not many among the joyful citizens who did not impute their relief to the direct intervention of the queen of heaven. Photius preached a sermon of thanksgiving as the enemy were departing; the miraculous deliverance was an inspiring motive for his eloquence.

It would be interesting to know whether Photius re

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1 In his first sermon (Hom. 51). Gerland (in a review of the ed. of the Homilies by Aristarchos), in Neue Jahrbb. f. das klassische Altertum, xi., 1903, p. 719) suggests that this address may have been delivered on June 23.

relic of the Virgin ; the preacher insists exclusively on human efforts.

3 Hom. 52, p. 42. Simeon erroneously represents the Emperor as present at the ceremony.

2 Ηom. 51, p. 20 (βαρβαρική και ταπεινή χείρ). The absence of troops is referred to, p. 17 : “Where is the Basileus? where are the armies? the arms, machines, counsels, and preparations of a general ? Are not all these withdrawn to meet the attack of other barbarians"? It is to be observed (cp. de Boor, op. cit. 462) that in this sermon there is no reference to the

Simeon, loc. cit., according to which the wind immediately rose in a dead calm. But in his second sermon Photius represents the Russians as retreating unaffected by a storm. Joann. Ven. 117 lets them return home in triumph.

5 Hom. 52. The Emperor was not yet in the city (p. 42; cp. de Boor, 460).

garded the ceremony which he had conducted as a powerful means of propitiation, or rather valued it as an efficacious sedative of the public excitement. He and all who were not blinded by superstition knew well that the cause which led to the sudden retreat of the enemy was simple, and would have sufficed without any supernatural intervention. It is evident that the Russians became aware that the Emperor and his army were at hand, and that their only safety lay in flight. But they had delayed too long. Michael and Bardas had hurried to the scene, doubtless by forced marches, and they must have intercepted the barbarians and their spoils in the Bosphorus. There was a battle and a rout; it is possible

2 that high winds aided in the work of destruction.3

The Russians had chosen the moment for their surprise astutely. They must have known beforehand that the Emperor had made preparations for a campaign in full force against the Saracens. But what about the fleet? Modern historians have made this episode a text for the reproach that the navy had been allowed to fall into utter decay. We have seen, on the contrary, that the Amorians had revived the navy, and the impunity which the barbarians enjoyed until the arrival of the Emperor must be explained by the absence of the Imperial fleet. And, as a matter of fact, it was absent in the west. The Sicilian fortress of Castrogiovanni had been captured by the Moslems in the previous year, and a fleet of 300 ships had been sent to Sicily. The possibility

" of an attack from the north did not enter into the calculations of the government. It is clear that the Russians must have been informed of the absence of the fleet, for otherwise they would never have ventured in their small boats into the jaws of certain death.

This is obviously the true explana- jecture ; but possibly on receiving the nation of the sudden retreat, which news he had ordered ships to sail from began spontaneously, before the battle. Amastris to the Bosphorus. Two It is impossible to accept Gerland's

iambic poems

on the Church of view that the battle was fought during Blachernae, Anthol. Pal. i. 120, 121, the procession, perhaps in sight of the most probably refer to the rout of the praying people.

Russians. Cp. 121, vv. 10, 11: 2 Of the battle we know no more than

ενταύθα νικήσασα τους εναντίους the notice in Anon. Cumont. Simeon

ανεϊλεν αυτούς αντί λόγχης εις ύδωρ. ascribes the destruction entirely to the where Stadtmüller ad loc. misses the miraculous storm. How the land forces point by proposing cio bdw. of the Emperor operated against the Cp. Gerland, op. cit. 720. boats of the enemies we can only con- 4 See above, p. 307.

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The episode was followed by an unexpected triumph for Byzantium, less important in its immediate results than as an augury for the future. The Northmen sent ambassadors to Constantinople, and this is the Byzantine way of putting it—besought

the Emperor for Christian baptism. We cannot say which, or how many, of the Russian settlements were represented by this embassy, but the object must have been to offer amends for the recent raid, perhaps to procure the deliverance of prisoners. It is certain that some of the Russians agreed to adopt Christianity, and the Patriarch Photius could boast (in A.D. 866) that a bishop had been sent to teach the race which in cruelty and deeds of blood left all other peoples far behind.! But the seed did not fall on very fertile ground. rtile ground. For upwards of a hu

For upwards of a hundred years we hear no more of the Christianity of the Russians. The

treaty,

, however, which was concluded between A.D. 860 and 866, led probably to other consequences. We may surmise that it led to the admission of Norse mercenaries into the Imperial fleet -a notable event, because it was the beginning of the famous Varangian service at Constantinople, which was ultimately to include the Norsemen of Scandinavia as well as of Russia, and even Englishmen.

It has been already observed that the attack upon Constantinople happened just before the traditional date of a far more important event in the history of Russia, the foundation of the principality of Kiev. According to the old Russian chronicle, Rurik was at this time the ruler of all the Scandinavian settlements, and exercised sway over the northern Slavs and some of the Finns. Two of his men, Oskold and Dir, set out with their families for Constantinople, and, coming to the Dnieper, they saw a castle on a mountain. On enquiry they learned that it was Kiev, and that its inhabitants paid tribute to the Khazars. They settled in the place, gathered many Norsemen to them, and ruled over the

1 Photius, Ep. 4, p. 178. The 3 The' connotation of Varangian is Russians are said to have placed them- equivalent to Norse or Scandinavian. selves εν υπηκόων και προξένων τάξει. Arabic geographers and Pseudo-Nestor m. refers to ecclesiastical dependence, call the Baltic “the Varangian Sea.” TT pog. to political friendship. The other In Kekaumenos (ed. Vasilievski and source is Cont. Th. 196.

Jernstedt) 97 Harald Hardrada is son 2 Under Leo VI. (A.D. 902) there of the Eni peror of Varangia." were 700‘Pús in the fleet (Constantine, 4 Pseudo-Nestor, xv. p. 10. Cer. 651).

5 Scandinavian names.

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