count, and as a result of his ten years' exploration has as full a knowledge as any one of the interior of the new sphere of British influence in East Africa, which among other territory includes the Equatorial Province of which Emin was in charge. It was as an assistant of the unfortunate Gessi Pasha that Casati gained his first African experiences, and after the former's recall he continued his explorations in the country lying on the water-parting between the Nile and Congo basins. He spent several years in this way, living outwardly like a native, until recalled by Emin to Lado to concert measures against the Mahdists.

It is only the latter portion of the second volume that deals with Emin and Stanley. Casati may be said to stand neutral between the two, and though neither of them might be willing to accept his version unreservedly, he enables us to enter clearly into the positions of both men and

pean estimate of his power and discipline, shrank from the humiliation of revealing the truth to Stanley. Nothing could be more natural than the misunderstandings that followed.

Casati's account of all that happened in the Equatorial Province is the fullest that has yet appeared. He accompanied Emin on his retreat southward from Lado to Wadelai, and was afterwards sent on a mission to Chua, King of Unyoro, to endeavor to obtain permission for Emin and his followers to pass through that territory on their way to Uganda and thence to Zanzibar. Chua, of Unyoro, was the neighbor and rival of Mtesa, of Uganda, Bishop Harrington's murderer, and apparently as great a scoundrel. Casati gives an interesting account of the people of Unyoro and their rulers.

The author fully describes the various systems of government existent in Central Africa among the natives, and gives extremely interesting and mi

nute descriptions of the habits, customs, traditions, legends and folk-tales of the various tribes dwelling there, including the pigmy races. This graphic description of his adventures and hairbreadth escapes while he was resident in Unyoro, at the savage Kabba Rega's capital, are extremely interesting. Major Casati deals fully with the scientific geography of the country, and adds considerably to our information about the wonderful hydrographic system of Inner Africa, for there is scarcely any European, not excepting Dr. Junker, who could say that he knew the region within which the Nile and Congo intertwine as well as Casati. He gives the result of his thorough investigations of the region at the source of the White Nile, as well as the countries of its twin river, the Bahr-el-Ghazal, and a detailed description of the regions in which the Welle and other large rivers have their origin.

Just now that more than one European nation is occupying itself with the probable commercial value of the regions in which Casati so long lived, the valuable information which he gives as to the adaptability of the soil and climate for the cultivation of cotton, sugar-cane, maize, coffee, vegetables, fruit, and in fact everything necessary for alimentation, and his notes on the value of the various and beautiful woods, will be read with special interest. Added to this is a list of the products suitable for exportation. At the end of each volume are some very elaborate appendices, containing many valuable meteorological observations and comparative tables of native languages, indexes, etc.

The two volumes contain upwards of 180 illustrations and sketches, mostly from original sketches and photographs; of these eighty are full-page plates, artistically printed in color and tint, the execution having been entrusted to eminent artists. Four important maps have been specially prepared for the work by Mr. Edward Stanford. (Warne. 2 v., $10.)

JOHN DICKINSON.

THE value and importance of the work done by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania is especially illustrated in the noble tribute to the memory of John Dickinson, issued to the public in a stately and imposing volume of 437 pages. No more competent authority could have been chosen to prepare the memoir than Charles J. Stillé, LL.D., recently Provost of the University of Pennsylvania and Professor of English Literature in the same institution, whose "History of the Development of American Civilization," and other standard writings, have given him a distinguished place among the group of great historians constituting the most illustrious galaxy in the firmament of American literature.

Professor Stillé not only gives an interesting

and valuable biography of a great man—one of the leaders of the Revolution—but he makes an important contribution to the history of this State and of these United States. As noted in his preface, "the story of John Dickinson's life forms an important part of the history of Pennsylvania." From the year 1760 until his term of office as President of the Supreme Executive Council expired in 1783, Mr. Dickinson was probably the most conspicuous figure in the service of the State. So also from the meeting of the Stamp Act Congress in 1765 until his death in 1808, Mr. Dickinson was a prominent figure in our national history. He was the first to advocate resistance to the Ministerial plan of taxation, on constitu tional grounds. For more than a year after the enforcement of the Boston Port bill, according to Mr. Bancroft, and for a much longer period in the opinion of his contemporaries, "he controlled the counsels of the country."

He had the courage to maintain the opinion that the Declaration of Independence was inop portune, and when it was adopted he retired for a time from active participation in public affairs; but he served honorably in the war, holding dis tinguished commands, and subsequently he took a prominent part in the formation of the National Constitution. Mr. Dickinson represented the sentiment of those who hoped to obtain justice at the hands of the King within the limits of law, as against the lawless invasions of Parlia ment; and he believed it was not until the bigotry and incompetence of George III. had been fully demonstrated that the colonies could be united in a war for independence. In this he was opposed to the Puritans of New England, who advocated forcing the issue of independence from the first. He may have been too conservative, but it will be remembered that as late as December, 1775, Congress declared: "We are not fighting against the King, but against an abuse of the Royal authority, under cover of an Act of Parlia ment which we consider unconstitutional; that is, out of the ordinary and established course of English law; and we are justified in making resistance by English tradition and example."

The lustre of John Dickinson's fame should not be obscured by his course respecting the Declaration of Independence, as he was actuated by conscientious motives; and when the colonies were once committed to the upbuilding of a new nation, no patriot devoted life, fortune and sacred honor to the cause more unreservedly than he. He was the voice of the cause, and to him was assigned the task of preparing the great state papers which mark the progress of that cause through all its earlier stages. Professor Stillé gives the substance of the paper by Dr. George H. Moore, late librarian of the New York Historical Society, which proves beyond question

From "Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return with Emin Pasha." (Copyright, 1891, by F. Warne & Co.)

that Dickinson was the author of the "Declaration of the Causes of Taking Up Arms," issued by Congress in July, 1775. In his old age, when by his own admissions his memory was not trustworthy, Thomas Jefferson claimed the authorship of a part of this great paper; but the paragraphs he claimed are given here in fac-simile in Dickinson's own handwriting, with all the erasures, interlineations, amendments, additions and corrections of careful, painstaking, original composition.

Jefferson wrote a draft of this Declaration, but it was not used, Dickinson's work being adopted in its place. It is not necessary to suppose that Jefferson proposed to deprive his friend and coworker of the credit to which he is justly entitled, his claim being merely an incidental mention in an old man's memories. Jefferson's estimation of Dickinson is well known, and it is only necessary here to quote from his letter at the time of Dickinson's death, in February, 1808. Speaking of him as a true patriot, whose personal worth and invaluable services to the country render his memory a precious possession, he appeals to posterity to see to it that his name shall be consecrated as one of the great worthies of the Revolution. This appeal has not been fully answered, and John Dickinson's name and labors are not so well known, even here in his own city, as they should be. Professor Stillé's memoir will repair this neglect, and will constitute a worthy monument to the memory of the great Pennsylvania patriot. It is a noble work, and appropriately published in a fair volume at once substantial and elegant. (Lippincott. $3.)-Philadel phia Evening Telegraph.

CHITTENDEN'S RECOLLECTIONS OF

LINCOLN.

BARRING clerks, the one surviving officer of the treasury of Lincoln's administration is Mr. L. E. Chittenden, once its register. He was one of Lincoln's trusted subordinates. His quiet office was one of the President's chosen retreats from public turmoil and crowding cares. He was consulted on. important and significant matters of finance, while more than one such consultation was suddenly given a personal turn, as the careworn Lincoln unbent for the moment in the half-humorous expression of heartfelt friendship or homely good-will. Mr. Chittenden's "Recolections of President Lincoln and His Administration" made manifest much of the spirit of the

To detect the influence of Lincoln upon his administration is easy; to detect his pervasive spirit is difficult; it is this which Mr. Chittenden's work enables us to do. It describes the great and clumsy bureaucracy through which Lincoln patiently effected his purposes; it describes the disloyal or half-hearted clerks who formed the body of the administration to which Lincoln succeeded, and which he had temporarily to use; it describes the unseemly importunities of his own party's office-seekers; it describes the selfseeking office-holders who constituted the body of his administration throughout the war, yet it also depicts the use to which Lincoln put this unwieldy Caliban.

Mr. Chittenden gives us many glimpses into the workings of his own office; but he also sketches for us some of the executive plans, as well as more detailed admininistrative routine of his political colleagues. He shows clearly that Lincoln and his cabinet were conservative men, forced to an occasional revolution in accepted methods only by the exigencies of war. Re luctantly Lincoln consented that paper currency be made legal-tender; as reluctantly Secretary Chase consented to the internal revenue statutes. It was as a conservative that Lincoln was heard in Mr. Chittenden's presence to say to a sympathizer with the South who feared that war would make the grass grow in the streets: "The constitution is not the constitution as I would like to have it; but as it is, that is to be defended. The constitution will not be preserved and defended until it is enforced and obeyed in every part of every one of the United States. It must be so respected, obeyed, enforced and defended, let the grass grow where it may."

Of Lincoln's unpretentious courage, Mr. Chittenden gives a striking illustration which we have not room to quote; to the purity of Lincoln's conversation he bears unmistakably genuine testimony, and with honest indignation denies every imputation to the contrary.

It is in this unmistakable and all but convincing light that Mr. Chittenden puts the personal character of Lincoln. This is the essence of his book. But among its interesting accessories is a glimpse at the personal relations of Gen. Scott and Jefferson Davis, a record of the peace convention of which the writer was a member, a detailed description of the plan for assassinating Lincoln on his inaugural journey, many a friendly testimony to the colored race, a discussion of Fremont, an account of Lincoln's famous treatment of the sleeping sentinel, and an adverse criticism upon the detective work in the secret service. (Harper. $2.50.)-Commercial Advertiser.

NOT even the most intense republican can object to the tone of the very readable volume dealing with "The Sovereigns and Courts of Europe." The author, who conceals his identity under the pseudonym of "Politikos," evidently has full knowledge of his subject, and he gives clear, concise, vivid studies of royal character which are not only interesting in themselves, but have an important bearing on the history of the times. The chapters on the Sultan of Turkey, the Tsar of Russia, William II. of Germany and Queen Victoria show the utmost care in the collection and agreeable arrangement of authentic data; and the other chapters concerning the less promInent ruling families are even more acceptable because they bring to light a good deal of information not to be got at elsewhere. For the sultan, Abdul Hamid, "Politikos" has little but praise. The reforms instituted by him in the conduct of the national finances, in the advancement of primary education, and in the organiza

tion of the army, are spoken of in the highest terms:

If we would sum up the nature of his government we might with truth designate him as a libliberty in the Occidental sense is unknown in eral sovereign, bearing in mind, of course, that Turkey. But Abdul Hamid has understood how to adopt his really fundamental liberal ideas to the local, political and ethnological conditions of his realm. While apparently a stern despot, he is really paternal and well-intentioned. Whatever be the sins of Turkey, her present sovereign, Abdul Hamid II., is a kind, benevolent ruler, whose every inspiration is for the good and welfare of his subjects. . . If Turkey can be saved from complete disruption-and those who should know best doubt if this seemingly inevitable evolutionary process can be arrested-it will be due in large measure to the enlightened government of her present sultan, under whose reign it has made rapid and vigorous strides in the path of recovery and reform.

As for the Tsar he is depicted as a narrowminded person, not endowed with the intellectual perception to realize when he is being played