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The two powers exchanged their prisoners, and, though no regular peace was made, they desisted from hostilities for
The exchange of prisoners from time to time was such a characteristic feature of the warfare between the Empire and the Caliphate, that the formal procedure by which such exchanges were conducted is not without interest. A full account has been preserved of the redemption of captives in the year 845.' In response to an embussy which the Roman government sent to Baghdad, a plenipotentiary arrived at Constantinople in order to obtain exact information as to the number of the Mohammadans who were detained in captivity. They were estimated as 3000 men, and 500 women and children; according to another account, they were 4362 in all.? The Greek prisoners in the Saracen prisons were found to be less numerous, and in order to equalise the numbers, the Caliph bought up Greek slaves in Baghdad, and even added some females who were einployed in the service of his palace. The place usually chosen for the interchange of prisoners of war was on the banks of the river Lamos, about a day's march from Tarsus and close to Seleucia. Here the Greeks and the Saracens met on September 16. The two Greek officers who were entrusted with the negotiation were alarmed to see that the other party was attended by a force of 4000 soldiers. They refused to begin business till the Saracens consented to an armistice of forty days, an interval which would permit the redeemed prisoners to return to their homes without the risk of being recaptured. There were preliminary disputes as to the method of exchange. The Romans declined to accept children or aged persons for able-bodied men, and some days were wasted before it was agreed to purchase man with man. enterprise. There was a total eclipse might possibly have been seen in in 840 (April 5) visible at Cple., and in Asia Minor. See Oppolzer, Canon det 841 (Oct. 18) an annular eclipse, which Finsternissc (11. 196 and) Blatt No. 98 an astrononier could have well observed for the tracks of these obscurations. at Khartum, and which might have
1 Tabari, 47 899. been just partially visible at Cple. 2 Bar-Hebr. 194. After the death These data are obviously not satis. of Mutasin, Michael Syr. has no factory. If the expedition belonged information about the Saracen wars, to the reign of Theophilus, the only and very little about anything else eclipses I can find which might come till the reign of Romanus I. His under consideration are the total of source, the chronicle of Dionysios (who A.D. 833 (Sept. 17) and the annular died A.D. 845), came to an end at this of 834 (March 14), of which the latter point.
Two bridges were thrown across the river, and at the same moment at which a Christian passed over one, a Mohammadan traversed the other in the opposite direction. But the unfortunate Mohammadans were subjected to a religious test. The Caliph had appointed a commission to examine the theological opinions of the captives. Himself an adherent, like Mamun and Mutasim, of the pseudo-rationalistic school which denied the eternity of the Koran and the visible cpiphany of Allah in a future life, he commanded that only those should be redeemed who denounced or renounced these doctrines. Many refused to sacrifice their convictions, and the application of the test was probably not very strict. The exchange was carried out in four days, and more than 4000 Saracens were redeemed, including women and children, as well as Zimmi, that is, Christinn or Jewish subjects of tho Caliph.'
Between the religious bigotry of rulers of Islam like Wathik and Mutawakkil and that of Christian sovrans like Theophilus and Theodora there was little to choose. For the persecution of the l'aulicians, which must be regarded as one of the greatest political disasters of the ninth century, Theophilus as well as Theodora was responsible, though the crime, or rather the glory, is commonly ascribed entirely to her. This sect, widely diffused throughout Asia Minor, from Phrygia and Lycaonia to Armenia, had lived in peace under the wise and sympathetic iconoclasts of the eighth century. They have been described as “the left wing of the iconoclasts”; their doctrines—they rejected images, pictures, crosses, as idolatrous-had urdoubtedly a great influence on the generation of the iconoclastic movement; it has even been supposed
1 Hostilities were restined in A.D. Anazarbos. D. Mac Ritclic's Account 851. In that year, and the two follow. of the Gypsies of India (London, 1886) ing, Saracen raids are recorded. In contains a translation of an article by 855 the Grecks attacked Anazarbos De Goeje on the history of the Gipsies in northern Cilicia, and took captive (published in the Jemurirs of the the Latts or Gipsies · who had been Amsterdam Acrulemy of Sciences, settled there since A.1). 835. The 1875). See also Bataillard, Sur les Caliph Msuawia had settled in Syria origines des Bohémiens ou Tsiganes these emigrants from India. Walid (Paris, 1876). Vasil'ev, 177-178. and Yazid II. assigned them settle- 2 Conybeare, Key of Truth, cvi. For ments at Antioch and Moposuiestia. Sergius the leader, who was active in In the ninth century the latts behaved propagatin: Paulicianism in the first as if they were an independent people, quarter of the ninth century, see ib. and were suppressed with difficulty lxviii., lxix. by Ujaif. They were then moved to
that Constantine V. was at heart a Paulician.' We saw how they had ben favoured by Nicephorus, and how Michael I. wis stirred up by the ecclesiastics to institute a persecution. Michael committed the execution of his decree in Phrygia and Lycaonia to Leo the Armenian, as stratégos of the Anatolic Theme;? while the suppression of the heresy in Cappadocia and' Pontus was enjoined on two ecclesiastics, the exarch or visitor of the Patriarchal monasteries in those parts, and the bishop of Neo-Caesarea. The evidence leaves us in doubt whether Leo, when he came to the throne, pursued the policy of which he had been the instrument. Did the reviver of iconoclasm so far desert the principles of his exemplar, Constantine V., as to pursue the Paulicians? It is not incredible that he may have adopted this course, if it were only to dissocinte himself from a sect which the Church maliciously or ignorantly branded as Manichacun ; for it is certain that the Paulicians were persecuted by Theophilus. It was either in the reign of Theophilus or during the earlier persecution that Karbeas, a Paulician who held an office under the general of the Anatolic Theme, led 5000 men of his faith to the region beyond Cappadocia, and placed himself under the protection of the Emir of Melitene. He is said to have been moved to this flight by the news that his father had been hanged. It is probable that there were already Paulicians in 1 Conybeare, ib. cxvi. sqq.
Theophilus, meets there some “Pauli. ? Thcoph. 495. Photius (c. Man. c. anasts or Manicharans "condenined to 24 = Peter Sic. 52) says that Michael death. And it is suggested by the evi. and Leo his successor sent to all parts dence relating to karbcas ; see next of the Enıpire and put heretics to note. clcath. This naturally implies that 5 Cont. Th. 166. It can now be Leo persecuted as Emperor; but we shown that there is a grave chronocannot be certain, for the statement logical error in the account of this may have arisen from the fact that writer. The flight of Karbeas is Lco was associated with Michael's represented as a consequence of the persecution,
persecution of Theodora. But a docu. Photius, ib. Parakondakes, the ment dating from A.D. $45-846 (Adla exarch, was, of cours, not the Patri. 42 Mart. Amur. r 29) shows that at the archal exarch, but a provincial in. end of the reign of Theophilus, or imspector (cp. Ducange,-9.v. fapxos). mediately after, karbeas and his people Afterwards some Paulician killed him, were already settled in the East under and the bishop was slain by the Saracen protection. We learn there kynochoritae (the position of Kynos- that Kallistos, appointed by Theo chora, a Paulician stronghold, is philus governor of the district of unknown).
Koloneia (Kara-hissar), tried to convert We have an incidental proof of some of his officers who were Paulicians this in the Vita Macarii, 159. They betrayed him to the Paulicians Makarios, abbot of Pelekete (cp. above, of Karbeas (τοίς υπό την εξουσίας του p. 139, n. 4), thrown into prison by τριτάλανος Καρβέα τελούσι-ατοστάταις)
the districts north and west of Melitene;' new fugitives continually arrived; and in their three principal cities, Arguûs, Tephrike, and Amara,' these martial heretics proved a formidable enemy to the State of which their hardy valour had hitherto been a valuable defence.
Seeing that even iconoclasts sought to suppress a religion with which they had! important points in common, the Paulicians could expect little mercy after the triumph of image-worship. It was a foregone conclusion that Theodora, under the influence of orthodox ecclesiastical advisers, would pursue her husband's policy with more insistent zeal, and endeavour to extirpate the “Manichaean" abomination. A fiat went forth that the Paulicians should abandon their errors or be abolished from the earth which they defiled. An expedition was sent under several commanders to carry out this decree, and a wholesale massacre was enacted. Victims were slain by the sword, crucified, and drowned in thousands ;* those who escaped sought shelter across the frontier. The property of the Paulicians was appropriated by the State—a poor compensation for the loss of such a firm bulwark as the persecuted communities had approved themselves.
It is just after the fall of the. Empress Theodora from power that we find the Paulicians effectively co-operating with the enemies of the Empire. Her brother Petronas, who was then stratégos of the Thrakesian Theme, was entrusted with the supreme command of the army," and in the late summer
and he was presently taken. to Arabissos and Germanicia. Sco his Samarra by the Calipli's orders and Map of Asia Minor (in which he has associated with the Amorians (sce corrected his former identifications of abore). It follows that the flight of Euspoina and Lykandos). Karbeas must be dated in the reign of 3 We have a good source here in Thcophilus, or else in the time of
Cont. Th. 165 (op. Hirsch, 214), but Michael I.-Leo V. Cp. Karapet, Die Paulikianer, text seems to be incomplete, for the
the chronology is left yague. Our 117-118.
names of the commanders are given Argalis = Argovan, about 20 miles
more fully in Skylitzes (Cedrenus), ii. north of Melitene ; see Anderson, 154 o του 'Aργύρου (δε ήν Λέων) και ο Roul-system, 27. Tephrike is Devrik, του Δούκα (δουκός Cont. Τh.) (Ανδρόνικος) much further north, and about 60 Kai • Eoúdalis. The names in lirackets miles south-cast of Sebastca. (Cp. are 'omitted in Cont Th., of which Le Strange, Journal of R. Asiatic
otherwise the text of Skylitzes is no Sociely, 1896, p. 733 899.) Anderson
more than a transcript. (ib. 32) lias made it probable that Amara or Abara lay ncar the modern
• 100,000, Cont. Th., & number Manjilik, about 25 miles north of
which, of course, has no value. Gurun, on the road from Sebastca to 5 Cont. Th. 167.
(A.D. 856), having made successful raids into the districts of Samosatu and Amida, he proceeded against Tephrike, the headquarters of Kurbeas, who had been actively helping the Emir of Melitene and the governor of. Tarsus to waste the Roman borders. In this year begins a short period of incessant hostility, marked on one hand by the constant incursions of the commanders of Melitene and Tarsus, in co-operation with Karbeas, and on the other by the appearance in the field of the Emperor Michael himself, as well as his uncles Bardas and Petronas. The first expedition of Michael, who had now reached the age of twenty years, was directed against Samosata, under the guidance of Bardas.' His army was at first successful, and the town was besieged. But the garrison made a sudden sally on a Sunday, choosing the hour at which the Emperor was engaged in the ceremonies of his religion. He escaped with difficulty, and the whole camp fell into the hands of the Saracens (A.D. 859). It was said that Karbeas performed prodigies of valour and captured a large number of Greek officers."
In the ensuing winter negotiations were opened for the exchange of captives, and the Saracen envoy, Nasr, came to Constantinople. He wrote an interesting account of his mission." As soon as he arrived, he presented himself at the Palace, in a black dress and wearing a turban and a sword. Petronas (but it is not improbable that Bardas is meant) informed him that he could not appear in the Emperor's presence with a sword or dressed in black. “ Then," said Nasr, “ I will go away." But before he had gone far he was recalled, and as soon as the Emperor, who was then receiving a Bulgarian embassy, was disengaged, he was admitted to the hall of audience. Michael sat on a throne which was raised on another throne, and his patricians were standing around him. When Nasr had paid his respects, he took his place on a large chair which had been set for him, and the gifts which he had
Bardas was now curopalates (sce the Greeks had met the forces of the above, p. 161).
Emir of Melitene, with whom Karbeas 2 Gen. 91 records the disaster;
used to act, and had driven them into Tabari, 55, only the initial) success.
Samosata. Cp. Vasil'ev, 185, n. 4.
+ Tabari has preserved it (57).
3 Petronas was general of the Thra3 Cont. Th. 176-177 (otherwise a re. kesians from 860 to 863. I suspect production of Genesios). The presence that Nasr wrote “his uncle"anı ihat of Karbeas at Samosata suggests that Tabari added Petronas,