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the suburbs, the barbarius prepared to attack the city. At this crisis it was perhaps not the Prefect and the ministers entrusted with the guardianship of the city in the Emperor's absence who did. most to meet the emergency. The learned Patriarch, l'hotius, rose to the occasion; he undertook the task of restoring the moral courage of his fellow-citizens. If the sermons which he preached in St. Sophia were delivered as they were written, we muy suspect that they can only have breen appreciated by the most educated of his congregation. His copious rhetoric touches all sides of the situation, and no priest could have made better use of the opportunity to inculcate the obvious lesson that this peril was al punishment for sin, and to urye repentance. He expressed the general

" feeling when he dwelt on the incongruity that the Imperial city, “queen of almost all the world," should be mocked by a Lilni of slaves, it mean and barbarous crowd." But the populace was perhaps more impressed and consoled when he resorted to the ecclesiastical magic which had been used elliciciously at previous sieges. The precious garment of the Virgin Mother was bornc in procession round the walls of the city ;; and it was believed that it was dipped in the waters of the sea for the purpose of raising a storm of wind.' Yo storm arose, lut soon afterwards the Russians begin to retreat, and perhaps there were not many among the joyful citizens who did not impute their relief to the direct intervention of the queen of heaven. Photius preached it sermon of thanksgiving as the enemy were departing; the miraculous deliverance was an inspiring motive for his eloquence.

It would be interesting to know whether l'hotius rc

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i ln his first sernion (Ilum. 51). Gerland (in a revicw of the el. of the Ilomilies by Aristarchos), in Neuc Jahrhb. f. dus klassische Alterler, xi., 190:3, p. 719) suggests that this aildress may have been delivered on June 23.

relic of the Virgin : the preacher in. sists exclusively on human cfforts.

s llom. 52, p. 42. Simcon crrolic. ously represents the Emperor as pores cnt at the ceremoniy.

• Simcon, loc. cit., according to which the wind in medintcly rose in a clend calm. But in his mocond sermon l'hotius refircostitx the Russilin ilk re. treating naffected by a storm. Joilla. Ven. 117 lets theni return home in triumph.

2 Πωη. 51, ν. 20 (βαρβαρική και rarurn xeip). The absence of troopis in r«ferred to, p. 17 : “Wlicrc in tlıo Basileus? wliere are the armies? the arms, machines, counsels, and prepara. tions of a general? Are not all these withdrawn to meet the attack or other barbarians"? It is to be obscrveil (cp. de Loor, op. cit. 462) that in this scrmon there is no reference to the

slom. 52. The Emperor was not yet in the city (p. 42; cp. dc Boor, 460).


garded the ceremony which he had conducted us a powerful means of propitiation, or rather valued it us an cflicacious sedative of the public excitement. He and all who were not blinded by superstition knew well that the cause which led to the sudden retreat of the enemy was simple, and would have sufficed without any supernatural intervention. It is evident that the Russians became aware that the Emperor and his army were at hand, and that their only safety lay in flight.' But they had delayed too long. Michael and Bardas had hurried to the scene, doubtless by forced marches, and they must have intercepted the barbarians and their spoils in the Bosphorus. There was a battle and a rout;? it is possible that high winds aided in the work of destruction.

The Russians had chosen the moment for their surprise astutely. They must have known beforehand that the Emperor had made preparations for a campaign in full force against the Saracens. But what about the fleet? Modern historians have made this episode a text for the reproach that the navy had been allowed to fall into utter decay. We have seen, on the contrary, that the Amorians had revived the navy, and the impunity which the barbarians enjoyed until the arrival of the Emperor must be explained by the absence of the Imperial fleet. And, ils al matter of fact, it wils absent in the west. The Sicilian fortress of Custrogiovanni had been captured by the Moslems in the previous yeur, and a flect of 300 ships had been sent to Sicily. The possibility

* of an attack from the north did not enter into the calculations of the governinent. It is clear that the Russians must have been informed of the absence of the fleet, for otherwise they would never have ventured in their small boats into the jaws of certain death.

! This is obviously the truo explana. jecture ; but possibly on receiving the mation of the sudden retreat, which news he had ordered ships to suil from began spontaneously, before the battle. Amastris to tho Bosphorus. Two It is impossible to accepit Gerland's jambic poems on

tlie Church of view that the battlo was fought during Blachernao, Anthol. Pal. i. 120, 121, tho procession, perhaps in sight.of the most probably refer to the rout of the praying people,

Russians. Chr. 121, vv. 10, 11: ? Of the battle we know no more than

ενταύθα νικήσασα τους εναντίους the notice in Anon. Cumont. Simeon

ανεϊλεν αυτούς αντί λόγχης εις βδωρ. ascribes the destruction entirely to the where Stadtmiiller ar lucmisses the miraculous storm. llow the land forces point by proposing ciob8w. of the Emperor ourated against tho Cl. (icrland), op. cil. 720. boats of the enemies we can only con. + See above, p. 307.



The wpisole was followed by an unexpected triumph for Byzantium, less important in its immediate results than as an ungury for the future. The Northmen sent ambassadors to

, Constantinople, and this is the Byzantine way of putting it-esought the Emperor for Christian baptisn. We cannot say which, or how many, of the Russian settlements were represented by this em bilssy, but the object must have been to offer amends for the recent raid, perhaps to procure the deliverance of prisoners It is certain that some of the Russians agreed to adopt Christianity, and the latriarch l'hotius could boast (in. A.D. 866) that a bishop had been sent to teach the race which in cruelty and deels of blood left all other peoples far behind.' But the seed did not fall on very fertile ground. For upwards of a hundred years we hear no more of the Christianity of the Russians. The treaty, however, which was concluded between A.1). 860 and 866, led probably to other consequences. We may surmise that it led to the admission of Norse mercenaries into the Imperial fleeta notalile event, because it was the beginning of the famous Varangian: service at Constantinople, which was ultimately to include the Norsemen of Scandinavia as well as of Russia, and even Englishmen.

It has been already observed that the attack upon Constantinople happened just before the trailitional date of a far more important event in the history of Russia-the foundation of the principality of Kier. According to the old Russian chronicle, Rurik was at this time the ruler of all the Scandinavian settlements, and exercised sway over the northern Slavs and some of the Finns. Two of his men, Oskold and Dir, set out with their families for Constantinople, and, conuing to the Dnieper, they saw il castle on a nouitain. 011 enquiry they learned that it was Kics, and that ils inhabitants paid tribute to the Khazars. They settled in the place, gathered many Xorsemen to them, and ruled over the " Plotius, Ep. 4, p. 178.

The 3 The connotation of l'urangian is Russians are said to liave placed thrli. cuivalent to Virsi or Scandinarius. selves εν πηκόων και προξίνων τάξει. Arabia goographers and l'soudo. Nostor uf. refers to ccclcsiastical degrados.c", call the Baltic “thic Varanginu Sca." #pok. 10 pulitiral friruulaliiges Thic otloos 1. Kokousasion (cl. Vrxilios-ki au Kollrcc in Cont. Th. 1:105,

ernstedt) 07 Iluralıl llarodrada in 20181 % Unior Leo VI. (1.11. 00:2) therr of the Emperor of Varangiit." WPS 700'l'ús in tlır Hect (Constantine, + lisedel... Xrostor, xv. 1. 10. Cor. 651).

Scandinavian 11811104.


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neighbouring Slavs, even Rurik ruled at Novgorod. Some twenty years later Rurik's son Oleg came down and put Oskold and Dir to death, and annexed Kiev to his sway. It soon overshadowed Novgorod in importance, and became the capital of the Russian state. It has been doubted whether this story of the founding of Kiev is historical; but the date of the foundation, in chronological proximity to A.1). 860, is probably correct.

§ 5. The Magyars The Russian peril had proved a new bond of common interest between the Empire and the Khazars, and during the reign of Michael (before A.D. 862), as we have seen, a Greek missionary, Constantine the Philosopher, made a vain attempt to convert them to Christianity.S

About this time a displacement occurred in the Khazar Empire which was destined to lead to grave consequences not only for the countries of the Euxine but for the history of Europe. At the time of Constantine's visit to the Khazars, the home of the Magyars was still in the country between the Dnieper and the Don, for either in the Crimen itself or on his journey to Itil, which was probably by way of the Don, his party was attacked ly a band of Magyars." A year or two

' later the Magyar preople crossed the Dnieper.

I l'scudo Xestor's date is a.m. 0370 the onbilssy of Rostislav, see above, = A.1). 862 (but events extending over l. 39:3); but we can liniit it further a consideralile time are crowled into ly the Magyar incident, Cl. Appendix his narrative here). The clironicler WIIThe circumstance that in A.). attributes to Oskold anid Dir the attack 8.4.855, Bugha, the governor of on Constantinople, which he found in Armenia and Adarliyan, settled thie Chronicle of Simeon and dates to Khazars, who were inclined to Islanı, A.1). 806. I am inclined to think that in Sham-kor (sec above, p. 410, 11. 6), there is a certain 1110aslire of historical may, is Marquart suggest* (Streifzüye, truth in the l’scubo. Nestor tradition, 21), have some connexion with the il' we do not pol'un lloc oxnce dute. If l'eligious wavering of the Chugilli. Kiev was found i'whorlly liefore A.ll. 800 as 1 settlement independent of

3 Sco above, p. 304 847. Novgorod, and if the Kiev Russians l'ita Constantini, c. 8. attacked Cple., wc can understind the tack of the llungarians is related circunstances of the conversion. It before Constantino (c. 9) starts for wastherulers of kievonly who accepted the country of the Khazars, to which baptisti, il when the pogans of None he is said to have sileil by the goroil cane and slew till it fow yortr's Micotin. If this oriler of venlts is Intrir, Cliristinnity, tliony do we may plociirate, WC nilist -119.pnose tlust the conjerture that it wils 101 wiped out, Magynrs mulu an incursion into the (misc) 10 cujoy ollicial recognition. Crimerit, nu parhapes the incident

• The posterior limit is unlly occurred in the territory of the Ciutlin. Bivolt ils Aidi. 8143 (the lintest date for Svo Appendix XII.

The cause of this migration was the advance of the l'atzinaks from the Volat. We may guess that they were pressed westwarıl by their Eastern niylıbours, the Uzes; we are told that they made war upon the Khazars and were defeated, and were therefore compelled to leave their own land and occupy that of the Magyars. The truth may be that they made an unsuccessful attempt to settle in Khazaria, and then turned their arms against the Magyar people, whom they drove beyond the Dnieper. The latzinaks thus rose above . the horizon of the Empire and introduced a new element. into the political situation. They had no king;. they were organized in cight tribes, with tribal chiefs, and each tribe was subdivided into five portions under subordinate lealers. When a chief died he was succeeded by a first cousin or a first cousin's son; brothers and sons were excluded, so that the chicftainship should be not confined to one branch of the family

The Magyars now took possession of the territory lying between the Dnieper and the lower reaches of the l'ruth and the Seret Sa country which had hitherto belonged to the dominion of the Khans of Bulgaria. They were thus close to the Danube, but the first use they made of their new position was

I Constantino, llc ool. imp. 168. it is said to le callel κατά την επωνυ. 11 tloco los proge 511016811111t of the μίαν τών εκείσε όντων ποταμών, which l'ntzinako to thooo wsrmt oftlur. 1) nivojnog ilpoo 0.3111111.rator in the Baporx (:: (in the reign of loro l'I.), we ire Duringur, op. Vor in Seorolasan, cint. expressly cold that they were drivent c. 52, and Bory--thones), the Koufon froin their land by thic U%* and ( = Bug), thic Tpoül.los ( = Duister: Khazars, ib. 164.

Turla, Tyras, cf. Roesler, 15+), the • Constantine says that a portion Bpoúros (= lruth), and the ripetos. of the Magyars joined their kinsmen, lol or Blol mcalls rirore (and was the Salnertoi asphaloi in “ Persia," i.e. specially appolieel to the Holyit--the the Stvorilik in druenia (see above " Itil"--op Constantine', ib. 164,). f" 410).

%cuss (Mic Deutschen mul air Nich. is c'onstantine, il. 165. lle gives moslimme, 751), kuun (lilul, llung. the names of the cight geveal or Otuara, i. 189), Marquart (op. cit. 33), explain. in two furnix, simple and compound, livill as lictircon (opr. lungirinn :, ... Tzur w kunsti-tzur, Ertum am in genererapical 110111148 like Szamos Talli-cricii.

kom) ; so that Atolkuzu would mean This country was called (liy the llesopotamin. Bul Westberg. (l'anal. Hungarians or Patzinaks, or loth) ii. 48), explains Kochoin thic Atol-kuzi : Constiintisie, ile 160 eis Cicography of Iseudo-Moses as the τύπους τους επονομαζομένους Αταλκούζουν. Dnieper, and jidentifies the name with The name is explained, il. 17:5, 118 111211. Hlo M11]'y sex that in Core κατά την επωνυμίαν του εκείσε διερχο- strutine, 1. 109, the true reading in μένου ποταμού. Ετέλ και Κοιζού (wliere on 1. 173), 'Arel kai kovjo', and There seenis to be an error in alie text, that Atel and linze were allernative as 'F.. Kai k., tuo rivers, is incond- names (kai =" or ") for the region of sistent with topi rotau01) anil p. 171 Ilie lower Dnieguir.

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