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to swear to a written undertaking that he would introduce no novelty into the Church.

Nicephorus obtained from Michael an autograph assurance - and the sign of the cross was doubtless affixed to the signature-in which he pledged himself to preserve the orthodox faith, not to stain his hands with the blood of Christians, and not to scourge ecclesiastics, whether priests or monks.

The Patriarch now showed that, if there had been no persecutions during his tenure of office, he at least would not have been lacking in zeal. At his instance the penalty of capital punishment was enacted against the Paulicians and the Athingani,' who were regarded as better than Manichaeans and altogether outside the pale of Christianity. The persecution began; not a few were decapitated; but influential men, to whose advice the Emperor could not close his ears, intervened, and the bloody work was stayed. The monk, to whom we owe most of our knowledge of the events of these years, deeply laments the successful interference of these evil counsellors. But the penalty of death was only commuted; the Athingani were condemned to confiscation and banishment.

The Emperor had more excuse for proceeding against the iconoclasts, who were still numerous in the uriny and the Imperial city. They were by no means contented at the rule of the orthodox Rangabe. Their discontent burst out after Michael's fruitless Bulgarian expedition in June, A.D. 812. We shall have to return to the dealings of Michael with the Bulgarians; here we have only to observe how this June expedition led to a conspiracy. When the iconoclasts saw Thrace and Macedonia at the mercy of the heathen of the north, they thought they had good grounds for grumbling at. the iconodulic sovran. When the admirers of the great Leo and the great Constantine, who had ruled in the days of their fathers and grandfathers, saw the enemy harrying the land at will and possessing the cities of the Empire, they might bitterly

1 The Athingadi, if not simply a Zigeuner (gipsy) is derived from the sect of the Paulicians, were closely Athingani; since Olygavos means related to them. The danie is supposed gipsy in Modern Greek. to be derived from 8-Oggevelv, re. serring to the doctrine that the touch

* Theoph. 495. of many things defiled (cp. St. Paul, 3 It may be noted that Michael Coloss ii. 21 unde Olyms). They seeni made no changes, significant of ortho. to have chiefly fourished in Phrygia. doxy, in the types of the coinage ; It has been supposed by some that

cp. Wroth, I. xli.

remember how heavy the arm of Constantine had been on the Bulgarians and how well he had defended the frontier of Thrace; they might plausibly ascribe the difference in military success to the difference in religious doctrine. It was a good opportunity for the bold to conspirc; the difficulty was to discover a successor to Michael, who would support iconoclasm and who had some show of legitimate claim to the throne. The choice of the conspirators fell on the blind sons of Constantine V., who still survived in Panormos, or as it was also, and is still, called Antigoni, one of the Prince's Islands These princes had been prominent in the reign of Constantine VI. and Irene, as repeatedly conspiring against their nephew and sister-in-law. The movement was easily suppressed, the revolutionaries escaped with a few stripes, and the blind princes were removed to the more distant island of Aphusia.' But though the iconoclasts might be disaffected, they do not seem to have provoked persecution by openly showing flagrant disrespect to holy pictures in the reigns of Nicephorus and Michael Michael, however, would not suffer the iconoclastic propaganda which his father-in-law had allowed. He edified the people of Constantinople by forcing the iconoclastic lecturer Nicolas to make a public recantation of his error.

The Emperor and the Patriarch lost uo time in annulling the decisions of those assemblies which the Studite monks stigmatised as “synods of adulterers.” The notorious Joseph, who had celebrated the "adulterous” marriage, was again suspended; the Studites were recalled from exile; and the schism was healed. It might now be alleged that Nicephorus had not been in sympathy with the late Emperor's policy, and had only co-operated with him from considerations of

economy." But the dissensions of the Studite monks, first

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1

Theoph. 496. Aphusia, still so called, is one of the Proconnesian islands, apparently not the same as Ophiusa, for Diogenes of Cyzicus (sīüller, F.H.G. iv. 392) distinguishes Φυσία και Οφιόεσσα. The other chief islands of the group are Proconnesus, Aulonia, and Kutalis; the four are described in Gedeon, Προικοννησος, 1895. Cp. Hasluck, J.H. S. xxix. 17.

? The fact that Theophanes only records one case in Michael's reign (ib). is significant. A vagabond (eutrepla

aktos) hermit scraped and insulted a picture of the Mother of God, and was punished by the excision of his tongue.

: It is not known whether the Emperor or the Patriarch was the prime mover. It is interesting to note that the Emperor Nicephorus had given the brothers of the Empress Theodote quarters in the Palace, thus emphasizing his approbation of her marriage, and that Plichael I. ex. pelled them (Scr. Incert. 336).

were

with Tarasius and then with Nicephorus, were more than passing episodes. They were symptomatic of an opposition or discord between the hienrchy of the Church and a portion of the monastic world. The heads of the Church were more liberal and more practical in their views; they realized the importance of the State, on which the Church depended; and they deemed it bad policy, unless a fundamental principle

at stake, to oppose the supreme authority of the Emperor. The monks were no politicians; they regarded the world from a purely ecclesiastical point of view; they looked upon the Church as infinitely superior to the State ; and they were prepared to take extreme measures for the sake of maintaining a canon. The "third party" and the monks were united, after the death of Michael I., in a common struggle against iconoclasm, but as soon as the enemy was routed, the disagreement between these two powers in the Church broke out, as we shall sce, anew.

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CHAPTER II

LEO V. (THE ARMENIAN) AND THE REVIVAL OF ICONOCLASM

(A.D. 813-820)

§ 1. Reign and Administration of Leo 1. LEO V. was not the first Armenian' who occupied the Imperial throne. Among the Emperors who reigned briefly and in rapid succession after the decline of the Heraclian dynasty, the Armenian Bardanes who took the name of Philippicus, had been chiefly noted for luxury and delicate living. The distinctions of Leo were of a very different order. If he had “sown his wild oats" in earlier days, he proved an active and austere prince, and he presented a marked contrast to his inmediate predecessor. Born in lowly station and poor circumstances, Leo had made his way up by his own ability to the loftiest pinnacle in the Empire; Michael enjoyed the advantages of rank and birth, and had won the throne through the accident of his marriage with an Emperor's daughter. Michael had no will of his own;

Leo's temnper was as firm as that of his namesake, the Isaurian. Michael was in the hands of the Patriarch; Leo was determined that the Patriarch should be in the hands of the Emperor. Even those who sympathized with the religious policy of Michael were compelled to confess that he was a feeble, incompetent ruler; while even those who hated Leo most bitterly could not refuse to own that in civil administration he was an able sovran. A short description of Leo's

On one side his parentage was

The statements are vague. His par. Assyrian,” which presumably means ents (one or both ?) are said to have Syrian (Gen. 28 ; Cont. Th. 6 kard slain their (?) parents and been exiled συγίαν εξ 'Ασσυρίων και 'Αρμενίων). for that reason to Armenia.

EPIRE personal appenrance has been preserved. He was of small stature and hnd curling hair ; he wore a full beard ; his hair was thick ; his voice loud.'

On the very day of his entry into Constantinople as an Augustus proclaimed by the army, an incident is related to have occurred which seemed an allegorical intimation as to the ultimate destiny of the new Emperor. It is one of those stories based perhaps upon some actual incident, but improved and embellished in the light of later events, so as to bear the appearance of a mysterious augury. It belongs to the general atmosphere of mystery that seemed to envelop the careers of the three youny squires of Bardanes, whose destinies had been so closely interwoven. The prophecy of the hermit of Philomelion, the raving of the slave-girl of Jichael Rangabé," and the incident now to be related, mark stages in the development of the drama.

Since Michael the Amorian had been rewarded by Nicephorus for his desertion of the rebel Burdanes, we lose sight of his career. He seems to have remained an officer in the Anatolic Theme, of which he had been appointed Count of the tent, and when Leo the Armenian became the stratêgos of that province the old comrades renewed their friendship. Leo acted as sponsor to Michael's son ;' and Michael played some part in bringing about Leo's elevation. The latter is said to have shrunk from taking the great step,

Pseudo-Simeon, 603. This is one at Constantinople (Panchenko, Kal. of the notices peculiar to this dol. viii. 234). chronicle and not found in our other

2 Constantine Porphyrogennctos was authorities. I have conjectured that conscious of this dramatic developthe source was the Scriptor lucertus, ment. We may trace liis hand in tlie of whose work we possess the valuable

comment (in Cont. Th. 23) that the fragruent frequently cited in these

prophecy of Philonelion was the first See Bury, à Source of Sumcon

vague sketch, and the words of the Jayister B.Z. i. 572 (1892). Xote de

slave-girl “second colours"-dettepe Boor's emendation oyupár for Oyupár τινα χρώματα ώς εν ζωγραφία ταϊς (Kouno) in this passage, and chh above,

προτεραις έμμορφωθέντα σκιαϊς. | 22, 1. 2.

On most of the coins of Leo, which are of the ordinary type of

• Told by Genesios, 7, and in Cont. this jusio), liix son Constantine app

Th. 19 (aftos Genesios). pears beardless on the reverse. A scal,

Cont. Th. 12,1. See above, p. 12. which to belong to these

It is not clear wliether Michael's ollice Emperors, with a cross putent on the was still that of κόμης της κόρτης of ubverse, and closely resembling one

the Anatolic Themic. Gen. 7 describes type of the silver coinage of these

linι των αυτού ιπποκόμων πρωτάρχη Emperors and of their predecessors (cp. Cont. Th. 19), which seems to Michael and Theophylactus. (sce

mean that lie was the private proto. Wroth, Pl. xlvii. 4, 11, 12), is pre

slrator of Leo as stratégos. served in the Russian Arch. Institute

5 Gen. 1218

Dotes.

seems

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