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Cazarenos of Kolonca held Saniann, an important fortress ou the lIalys.' Michael sent a golden bull ? to these chiefs, announcing the death of Thomas and offering to give them a free pardon and to confer on them the rank of Magister, if they submitted. But they were wild folk, and they preferred the rewards of brigandage to honours at the Imperial Court. The messenger of Michael, however, accomplished by guile what he failed to accomplish openly. He seduced some of the garrisons of both towns, and persuaded them to close the gates upon their captains while they were abroad on their lawless raids. The work of tampering with the men of Choereas and Gazarenos demanded subtlety and caution, but the imperial inessenger was equal to the emergency. The manner in which he won the ear of an oekonomos or steward of a church or monastery in Saninna, without arousing suspicion, is recorde.l. lIc found a pensant, by name Gyberion, who had a talent for music and used to spend his leisure hours in practising rustic songs, The envoy from the Court cultivated the friendship of this man and composed a song for him, which ran thus :

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When these lines had been repeatedly sung by the man within the hearing of the ockonomos or of his friends, the meaning of the words was grasped and the hint taken. Shut out of their “ cloud-capped towns”- the two rebels, Choereas and Gazarenos took the road for Syria, hoping to find a refuge there, like their dead leader Thomas. But before they could reach the frontier they were captured and hange.l.

Saniana has been identified by Ramsay (Asia Minor, 218 sqq.) with Cheshnir Keupreu, on the cast siile of the Halys, south. cast of Ancyra, A point at which the military roul from Dorylacum forkeid, one branch going eastward, the other solitli-east. ward. If he is right, its military im. portance (implied, I think, in Cont. Them. 28) is clear.

χρυσoβoύλλιον, Cont. Τh. 72.
3 kirumbacher has restored the
verses as follows, G.B.L. 793 ib. :

άκουσε, κύρι οικονόμε,
τον Γυβέριν, τί σου λέγει
άν μοι δώς την Σανιάναν,
μητροπολίτης σε ποίσω,

Νεοκαισάρειάν σου δώσω.
If this is right, the lines are eight.
syllabled trochaies with accent on the
penultima. For Neocaesarca in Pontus
= Niksar, cp. Anderson, Studia Pun-
lica, i. 56 sqq.

* 10. 73 υπερνεφών τούτων πολιχ: νίων.

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The drama is now over; all the prophecies of the soothsayer of Philomelion have come true. The star of the Armenian and the star of the Slavonian have paled and vanished before the more puissant star of the man of Amorion ; both Leo and Thomas have been done to death by Michael. He now wears the Imperial crown, without a rival; he has no more to fear or hope from unfulfilled soothsuy.

We may now turn from the personal interest in the story • to the more general aspects of this great civil war, which

caused abundant misery and mischief. The historians describe how “it filled the world with all manner of evils, and diminished the population; fathers armed themselves against their sous, brothers against the sons of their mothers, friends against their dearest friends." I It was as if the cataracts of the Nile hal burst, deluying the land not with water but with blood. The immediate author of these calamities was Thomas, and there is no doubt that his inotive was simply personal ambition. The old man with the lame leg was not fighting for a principle, he was fighting for a diadlem. But nevertheless he could not have done what he did if there had not been at work motives of a larger and more public scope, urging men to take up arms. It inust not be forgotten that he originally revolted against Leo, and that his war with Michael was merely a continuation of that revolt. Now there were two classes of subjects in the Empire, who had good cause to be discontented with the policy of Leo, the image-worshippers and the Paulicians. The policy of Thomas, which he skilfully pursued, was to unite these discordant elements, orthodoxy and heresy, under a common standarı. His pretence to be Constantine VI. may have won the confidence of some imageworshippers,' but he was possibly more successful in conciliating Paulicians and other heretics.

It is more important to observe that the rebellion probably initiated or promoted considerable social changes in the 1 Cont. Th. 49.

won no sympathy from the image. 16, 5:3.

worshippers of Constantinople, and 3 He scenis to have professcd image. his meinory was execrated by such a worship himself (Michael, Vit. Theod. bigoted iconolater as George Mon. Studl. 320 ελέγετο ιεράς εικόνας απο- (793). Cp below, p. 116. Ignatius δέχεσθαι τε και προσκυνείν) and tlie the deacon (biographer of the latriarch precautions of Michael, lest Theodoro Nicephorus) wroto iambic verses on Stud. and liis party should embrace Thomas (rà katà Owuâv), Suidas s.l'. his cause, bear this out. But Thomas Ιγνάτιος.

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Asiatic provinces. The system of immense estates owned by rich proprietors and cultivated by peasants in a condition of serfdom, which had prevailed in the age of Justinian, had been largely superseiled by the opposite system of small holdings, which the policy of the Isaurian Emperors seems to have encouraged. But by the tenth century, vast properties and peasant serfs have reappeared, and the process by which this second transformation was accomplished must be attributed to the ninth. The civil war could not fail to ruin muberless small farmers who in prosperous times could barely pay their way, and the fiscal burdens rendered it impossible for them to recuperate their fortunes, unless they were aided by the State. But it was easier and more conducive to the immediate profit of the treasury to allow these insolvent lands to pass into the possession of rich neighbours, who in some cases might be monastic communities. It is probable that many farms and homesteads were abandoned by their masters. A modern historian, who had a quick eye for economic changes, judged that the rebellion of Thomas “ was no inconsiderable cause of the accumulation of property in immense estates, which began to depopulate the country and prepare it for the reception of a new race of inhabitants.” 1 If the government of Michael II. had been wise, it would have intervened, at all costs, to save the small proprietors. Future Emperors might thus have been spared a baffling economic problem and a grave political danger.

§ 3. The Eeclesiustical Policy of Michael It was probably during or just after the war with Thomas that Thecla, the mother of Theophilus, died. At all cvents we find Michael soon after the end of the war muking preparations for a second marringe, notwithstanding tho deep grief which he hud dimpluyod at the centh of his first wife. A second murringe of any kind was deprecated ly the strictly orthodox, and some thought that at this juncturo, when the Empire was involved in so many misfortunes, the Emperor showed little concern to appease an offended Deity. But the Senators were urgent with him that he should marry.

marry. “It is i Finlay, ii. 133.

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It was

not possible,” they said," that an Emperor should live without a wife, and that our wives should lack a Lady and Empress.” The writer who records this wishes to make his readers believe that the pressure of the Senate was exerted at the express desire of Michael himself." However this may be, it is interesting to observe the opinion that an Augusta was needed in the interests of Court society.

But those who carped at the idea of a second marriage were still more indignant when they heard who she was that the Emperor had selected to be Empress over them. not unfitting that the conqueror of the false Constantine should choose the daughter of the true Constantine for his wife. But Euphrosyne, daughter of Constantine VI., and grand-daughter of Irene, had long been a nun in a monastery on the island of Prinkipo, where she lived with her mother Maria. Here, indeed, was a scandal; here was an occasion for righteous indignation. Later historians at least made much of the crime of wedding a nun, but at the time perhaps it was inore a pretext for spiteful gossip than a cause of genuine dissatisfaction.s The Patriarch did not hesitate to dissolvo Euphrosyne from her vows, that she might fill the high station for which her birth had fitted her. The new Amorian house might claim by this marriage to be linked with the old Isaurian dynasty.

The ecclesiastical leanings of Michael II. were not different from those of his predecessor,“ but he adopted a different policy. He decided to maintain the iconoclastic reform of Leo, which harmonized with his own personal convictions; but at the same time to desist from any further persecution of the image-worshippers. We can easily understand that the circumstances of his accession dictated a policy which should, BO fir as possible, disarin the opposition of a large and inlluential section of his subjects. Accordingly, he delivered from prison and allowed to return from exile, all those who had been punished by Leo for their defiance of his authority. The most eminent of the sufferers, Theodore of Studion, left his prison cell in Smyrna, hoping that the change of government would mean the restoration of icons and the reinstallation of Nicephorus as Patriarch. He wrote a grateful and congratulatory letter to the Emperor, exhorting him to bestow peace and unity on the Church by reconciliation with the sco of Rome. At the same time, he attempted to bring Court

1 Cont. Th. 78. Our Greek author. itios do not toll us directly that Theclu was alive when Michael acceded to the throne, But Michael Syr, 72 statos that she died “whon lio haul roignol four yoars"; and the langungo of Cont. Th. 78, in noticing his second marriage, seonis docilovly to imply that the land died very recoutly. Michnol Syr, adeo a dark and incroid. ibly gonnal that Euphrosyno boru a malo child, and reflecting that it was of Jowish race and would "

corrupit tho Imperial stock" caused it to bu killed.

? Theodore of Studion donounced the Emperor for this unlawful (ékvouws) net in i entochêsis, Pran Cwt. 74, p. 258, and lie wrotu i letter to Murin,

exhorting her not to go and live with hor daughter in the Palace (Epp. ii. 181 ; cp. Ep. 148 Cozma L.).

: Compare Finlay ii. 142. Ho gives no reason for this view, but I find one in the silence of the contemporary Goorge, who does not mention Euphro. syno.

In the chroniclo of Simeon ( (cory.783,789), she is mentioned, but the author doos not know who sho was and takes hier for tho mother of Theophilus.

'It is a mistake to Nippose (118 Schwarzloso dors, p. 73) that Michael was neutral.

Girossu (Prop. Thcolor. 151) properly calls him" 8 convinced iconoclast, though not & fanatic." Finlay (ii. 129) speaks of his "in. difforuncu to the ccclesiastical disputes which agitated a church to many of whose doctrines he was at leart ad. Verse"; but this "indillorence" was relative; it would be misleading to describe him as an "indistirentist." llis own iconoclastic convictions are expressed clearly in his Letter to Lewis (420 sq.). On his actual policy, all writers agree; it is brietly suimmed

? influence to hear on Michael, and we possess his letters to several prominent ministers, whom he exhorts to work in the cause of image-worship, while he mulignantly exults over the fiate of Leo the Armenian. Thcodore had been joined by

” many members of his party on his journey to the neighbourhood of Constantinople, and when he reached Chalcedon, he hastened to visit the ex-Patriarch who was living in his own monastery of St. Theoclore, on the Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus." Jere and in the monastery of Crescentius, where

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p in the leta Darilis 2:30 : katéxwe έκαστος δε το δοκούν αυτω ποιείτω.

"In the Epist. syin, ail Theoph. 377 Michiel is described as tov apabTATON και γαληνότατον βασιλέα, wlιο χριστοHinntws said to those who were in chains, “Come furth."

2 Theolore, Epp. ii. 71.

i Th. ii. 75, 76, 80, 81, 82. These and the letter to the Emperor were probably written at P'tcleae, where Theodore stayed for some time, before

proceeding to Prusa and Chalcedon (Michuel, l'it. Theol. c. 58). On leaving Smyrna, Theodore piroccoled to Pteleno, luy way of Korolopha and Aáknou uitára, unknown places (ib. c. 48). The position of Puebeae, on the river Onopniktes (ib. c. 51), is une known, but it is probably the same as P’telead on the Hellegpont (for which see Ranisay, Asia Minor, 163). In that case, Theodore must have followed the coast road from Snyrna.

+ (irossli (145) is wrong in saying that Thcolore crossed the Bosphorus and visited Nicephorus in the monas. tery of Agathos. This monastery may have been on the European sido of the Bosphorus, but Nicephorus was in the monastery of St. Theodoro (Ignatius, l'il. Niceph. 201), which was on the Asiatic side (l'argoire, Borudion, 476-177).

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