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Tarasius, it is urged by Nicolas that Pope Hadrian protested against his elevation, in a message addressed to the Seventh Ecumenical Council. But the Council had not hesitated to accept Tarasius, and it did not concern the Church of Con. stantinople, what the Bishop of Rome, apart from the Council, chose to think or say about the matter. In regard to Nicephorus, the Pope said nothing because he had nothing to say. Nicephorus was in communion with Rome; the Popes of his day raised no protest against his elevation. We have Heen that if the first overtures of Nicolus to Constantinople had met with a different reception, the canonical molehills would never have been metamorphosed into mountains. The real value of the objections may be measured by the fact that when Photius roascended the patriarchal throne after the death of his rival, he was recognized by Pope John III. The death of Ignatius find indeed removed one obstacle, but nevertheless on the showing of Nicolas he was not a bishop at all. Pope John recognized him simply because it suited the papal policy at the moment.

In the stormy ecclesiastical history of our period the monks had played a conspicuous part, first as champions of the worship of icons and then of the cause of Ignatius, who was himself a typical molik. In the earlier controversies over the mystery of the incarnation, gangs of monks had been the authors of scandal in those turbulent assemblies at Ephesus, of which one is extolleil as an Ecumenical Council and the other branded as a synod of brigands; at Constantinople, they le an insurrection which shook the throne of Anastasius. The Emperor Constantine V. recognized that the monks were his most influential and implacable opponents and declared war upon monasticisms. But monasticism was an instinct too deeply rooted in Byzantine society to be suppressed or exterminated ; the monastic order rested on as firm foundations, secured by public opinion, as the Church itself. The reaction under Irene revived and confirmed the power of the cloister; and at the same time the Studite movement of reform, under the guidance of Plato and Theodore, exerted a certain influence beyond the walls of Studion and tended to augment the prestige of the monastic life, though it was far from being generally accepted. The programme of the abbot Theodore

to render the authority of the Church independent of the autocrat was a revolutionary project which had no body of public opinion behind it and led to no consequences.

The iconoclastic Emperors did their will, and the restoration of image-worship, while it was a triumph for the monks, was not a victory of the Church over the State. But within the State-Church monasticiørn flourished with as little check as it could have done if the Church had been an independent institution, and produced its full crop of economic evils. llundreds of monasteries, some indeed with but few tenants, existed in Constantinople and its immediate neighbourhood in the ninth century, and the number was being continually increased by new foundations. For it was

u cherished ambition of ordinary men of means to found a monastery, and they had only to obtain the licence of a bishop, who consecrated the site by planting a cross,' and to furnish the capital for the upkeep of the buildings and the maintenance of three monks. It was a regular custom for high dignitaries, who had spent their lives in the service of the State, to retire in old age to cloisters which they had built themselves." It is too little to buy that this was an ideal of respectability; it was also. probably for the Byzantine nau a realization of happiness in the present, enhanced as it was by the prospect of bliss in the future. But the State paid heavily for the indulgence of its members in the life of the cloister and the cell.

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§ 1. Finance The Imperial revenue in the Middle Ages proceeded from the sume principul sources us in the earlier ages of the Empire : taxation and the profits ou the Imperial estates. The machinery for collecting the revenue hud perhaps been little altered, but the central ministries which controlled the machinery had been considerably changed. The various financial and cognate departinents which had been subject to the authority of the two grent financial ministers and the Praetorian Préfects, under the system introduced by Constantine, are now distributed among cight mutually independent ministries,

The Lugothete or Accountant of the Cienerul Treasury, or, us he was brietly called, the General Logothete, had inherited the most important duties of the Count of

of the Sacred Largesses. He ordered and controlled the collection of all

llo the luxes.

He was the head of the army of surveyors, controllers, and collectors of the land and hearth taxes," and of the host of commerciarii or oflicers of the customs.

The Military Logothete udiministered the treusury which defrayed the pay of the soldiers and other inilitary expenses, which used to be furnished from the chests of the Praetorian Prefects. The Wardrobes and the Sperial Treasury ' were stores for all kinds of material used for military and naval purposes; on the occasion of a warlike expedition they supplied sails and ropes, hides, tin and lead, and innumerable things required for the equipment. The President of the Special Treasury controlled the public factories, and the Chartulary of the Wardrobe was also master of the mint.

See Bury, Imperiul de ministru- Beotiápcov (to be distinguished lire Systrom, 78 8179.

froni tho Private Wardrobe, oikea kdy

Beor., which was under the l'rotu. 2 εποπται, διοικηταί, πράκτορες (in.

vostiarios, an elnych). 16. 05. 87, 89).

A TO eldixov. Its master was called ο επί του ειδικού. 10. 98.

3 16. 90.

The estates of the Crown, which were situated chiefly in the Asiatic provinces, were controlled by two central offices. The revenues were managed by the Chartulary of the Sukellion, the estates were administered by the Great Curator. The pustures in western Asia Minor, however, where horses and mules were reared for the military service, were under the stewardship of another minister, the Logothete of the Herds, while the military stables of Malngina wore directed by un important and independent oflicer, the Count of the Sluble: These latter oflices had been in earlier times subordinated to the Count of the Private Estate.

The Sakellion was the central treasury of the State. We have no particular information concerning the methods of disbursement and allocution, or the relations between the various bureaux. But we muy suppose that the General Logothete, who received the income arising from taxation, paid directly to other departments the various standing expenses which were defrayed from this revenue, and handed over the surplus to the Sukellion. This treasury, which received directly the net incoine furnished by the rents of the Private Estates, would thus have contuined the specie available for the expenses of militury expellitions, for buildings and public works, for the extravagances of the Court and all the private expenses of the Emperor. The annual savings, if

. siuvings were effected, seem to have passed into the personal custody of the sovran, so that Irene was able to conceal the treasure which she had accumulated."

The Sukellion itself was under the control of the chief - financial minister, the Sukellarios, who acted as general comptroller. The special financial ministries were not subordinate to him, but he had the right and duty to inquire I 16. 0:3, 100.

over the accumulated savings of her i Ib. 111, 113.

husband's roign and her own rogency. : The interonco is borno out by the This would not have been necessary fact that Theodora personally laudod if thoy had loin in the Sukullion,


into their accounts, and was doubtless responsible for all disbursements from the Sakellion.?

Bullion, furnished by the State mines, came to the General Logothete, who must have sent it to the Wardrobe to be coined, while other bullion might be deposited before mintage in the Special Treasury. From the Wardrobe the coins would pass to the Sakellion.

The two principal direct taxes, on which the Imperial finance rested, were the land-tax and the hearth-tax. These had always been the two pillars of the treasury, for the hearthtax was only a inodification of the old capitation, being levied, not on the free man and woman, but on the household.? The population of cities, including the capital, did not pay the hearth-tax, at least in the eastern provinces. The leaseholders on the Imperial estates were not exempted from the land-tax, . which all landed proprietors and tenants paid; and the householders of Constantinople and the other cities were burdened by an analogous charge on sites, which was known as the “ urban tribute.' The uniform hearth rate was probably combined in the same schedules with the other tax and collected by the same officials." Other sources of income were the toll on receipts (an income-tax of the most odious form, which Irene was praised for abolishing), death duties, judicial fines, and, above all, the duties levied on imports, which must have amounted to a substantial sum.

The unpopular fiscal measures of the Emperor Nicephorus, which are briefly recapitulated by a hostile monk, afford us a vague glimpse into the obscure financial conditions of the Empire. His official experience as General Logothete had enabled him to acquire an expert knowledge of financial details which few sovrans possessed, and he was convinced that the resources of the State were suffering and its strength endangered by the policy of laxity and indulgence which had been adopted by Irene. In the first year of his reign there was a severe taxation, which may have driven mary to embrace the cause of the rebel Bardanes."

" 3

We may

" Ib. 82.

? Zachariä v. 1. kur Kenntniss des röm. Slcucr 10837918, 9.13.

- Mounier, Etuiles de croit bij. xviii. 485, and xix. 75, 98, has made

it probable that the πολιτικοί φόροι
represent tho capilatio tcrrcrul appliou
to towns.

+ Zacharici v. L. ib. 12.
* See Cont. Th. 8 (TÓTe = July 803).

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