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the districts north and west of Melitene;' new fugitives continually arrived; and in their three principal cities, Argans, Tephrike, and Amara," these martinl heretics proved u formidable enemy to the State of which their hardy valour had hitherto been a valuable defence.

Seçing that even iconoclasts sought to suppress a religion with which they had important points in common, the Paulicians could expect little mercy after the triuinph of image-worship. It was a foregone conclusion that Theodora, under the influence of orthodox ecclesiastical advisers, would pursue her husband's policy with more insistent zeal, and endeavour to extirpate the “Manichaean" abomination. A fiat went forth that the Paulicians should abandon their errors or be abolished from the earth which they defiled. An expedition was sent under several commanders to carry out this decree, and a wholesale massacre was enacted. Victims were slain by the sword, crucified, and drowned in thousands ; those who escaped sought shelter across the frontier. The property of the Paulicians was appropriated by the State-a poor compensation for the loss of such a firm bulwark as the persecuted communities had approved themselves.

It is just after the fall of the Empress Theodora from power that we find the Paulicians effectively co-operating with the enemies of the Empire. Her brother Petronas, who was then stratêgos of the Thrakesian Theme, was entrusted with the supreme command of the army,' and in the late summer

2

and he

was presently taken to Samarra by the Caliple's orders and associated with the Amorians (sce above). It follows that the llight of Karbeas must be dated in the reign of Theophilus, or else in the time of Michael I.-Leo V.

I Cp. Karapei, Die Paulikianer, 117-118.

Aryans = Argovan, about 20 miles north of Melitene ; seo Anderson, Piwul-system, 27. Tephrike in Devrik, much further north, and about 80 miles south-east of Sebastea. (Cp. Le Strange, Journal of R. Asiatic Society, 1896, p. 733 sq.) Anderson (ib. 32) bus inade it probable that Amara, or Abara lny near the modern Manjilik, about 25 miles north of Gurun, on the road from Sebastea to

Arabissos and Germanicia. See his
Map of Asia Minor (in which he has
corrected his.former identifications of
Euspoina and Lykandos).

3 Wo have a good source here in Cont. Ph. 165 (op. Hirsch, 214), but the chronology is left vague. Our text seems to be incomplete, for the names of the commanders are given more fully in Skylitzos (Cedrenus), ii. 154 και του 'Aργύρου (δε ήν Λέων) και ο του Δούκα (δουκός Cont. Τh.) ('Ανδρόνικος) kal ó Soudalis. The names in lirackets are omitted in Cont Th., of which otherwisu the text of Skylitzes is no more than a transcript.

• 100,000, Cont. Th., a number which, of course, has no value.

0 Cont. Th. 167.

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(A.D. 856), having made successful raids into the districts of Samosata and Amida, he proceeded against Tephrike, the headquarters of Kurbeus, who had been actively helping the Emir of Melitene and the governor of Tarsus to waste the Roman borilers. In this year begins a short period of incessant hostility, marked on one hand by the constant incursions of the commanders of Melitene and Tarsus, in co-operation with Karbeas, and on the other by the appearance in the field of the Emperor Micheel himself, as well as his uncles Bardas and Petronas. The first expedition of Michael, who had now reached the age of twenty years, was directed against Samosata, under the guidance of Bardas.' His army was at first successful, and the town was besieged. But the garrison made a sudden sally on a Sunday, choosing the hour at which the Emperor was engaged in the ceremonies of his religion. He escaped with difficulty, and the whole camp fell into the hands of the Saracens (A.D. 859). It was said that Karbeas performed prodigies of valour and captured a large number of Greck officers."

In the ensuing winter negotiations were opened for the exchange of captives, and the Saracen envoy, Nasr, came to Constantinople. He wrote an interesting account of his mission. As soon as he arrived, he presented himself at the Palace, in a black dress and wearing a turban and a sword. Petronas (but it is not improbable that Bardas is meant)" informed him that he could not appear in the Emperor's presence with a sword or dressed in black. “ Then," said Nasr, “ I will go away.” But before he had gone far he was recalled, and as soon as the Emperor, who was then receiving a Bulgarian embassy, was disengaged, he was admitted to the hall of audience. Michael sat on a throne which was raised on another throne, and his patricians were standing around him. When Nasr had paid his respects, he took his place on a large chair which had been set for him, and the gifts which he had

i Bardas was now curopalates (sce the (irocks had met the forces of the above, p. 161).

Emir of Moliteno, with whom Karbeas 2 Gen. 91 records the disaster ;

11sed to act, and had driven them into Tabari, 55, only the initial) success.

Samosata. Cl. Vasil'ov, 185, n. 4.

+ Tabari has preserved it (57).

Petronas wins general of the Thra. 3 Cont. T%. 170-177 (otherwise a re. kesing from 860 to 863. I suspect production of Genesios). The presence that Nasi' wrote his uncle"an ihat of Karbeas at Samosata suggests that Tabari added Petronas,

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brought from the Caliph-silk robes, about a thousand bottles of musk, suffron, and jewels--were presented.' Three interpreters came forward, and Nasr charged them to add nothing to what he said. The Emperor accepted the gifts, and Nasr noticed that he did not bestow any of them on the interpreters. Then he desired that the envoy should approach, graciously caressed him, and gave orders that a lodging should be found for him in or near the Palace. But the business on which Nasr had come did not progress rapidly. He mentions that a message arrived from the garrison of Lulon, which consisted of Mohammadan Slavs, signifying their desire to embrace Christianity and sending two hostages. It will be remembered that this important fortress had been captured by Mamun in A.1). 332, and the opportunity for recovering it was welcome. For four months * Nasr was detained at Constantinople. Then new tidings arrived from Lulon, which prompted Michael 'to settle the question of the captives without delay. He had sent a patrician, who promised the garrison a handsome largess ; ' but they repented of tl.cir treachery, and handed over both the place and the patrician to a Saracen captain. The patrician was carried into captivity and threatened with death if he did not renounce his religion. It would scom that the Emperor was seriously concerned for his fate, for, as soon as the news came, the exchange of captives was promptly arranged with Nusr. It was agreed that both sides should surrender all the prisoners who were in their hands. Nasr and Michael's ucle? confirmed the agreement by oath in the Imperial presence. Then Nils said: “) Emperor, your uncle hins

Is the onth binding for you ?" Ile inclined his head in tuken of assent. And, adds the envoy, “ I did not hear it single word from his lips from the time of my arrival till any departure. The interpreter alone spoke, and the Emperor listened and expressed his ussent or dissent by motions of his I Cp. Bar:Hebr. 109.

• Tuburi, 60, ninys ho was in logotheto ! Not far from hinsell." It is (perhaps Logothete of the Courne). not rear whether this means in the l'alaro, not far from the Chrysotriklines,

A thousand dinars each, according

to Tabari. This can hardly be truo. or not far from the l'alace.

A thousand nomismata for all scemis * There is no reason for supposing (withi Vasil'ov, 180), that it was in the

moro probabile, but we do not know

tho number of the gurrison. hands of the Greeks in A. 1), 857. December 869 to March 860.

? Evidently Burdus.

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head. His uncle managed all his affairs." The Emperor received 1000 Greek captives in return for 2000 subjects of the Caliph, but the balance was redressed by the release of the patrician whoin he was so anxious to recover,

Not many weeks later, committing the charge and defence of his capital to Ooryphus, the Prefect, Michael again set forth to invade the Caliph's dominions. But even, as it would seem, before he renched the frontier,' he was recalled (in June) by the alarming news that the Russians had attacked Constantinople. When the danger had passed, he started again for the East, to encounter Omar, the Emir of Melitene, who had in the meantime taken the field. Michael marched along the great high-road which leads to the Upper Euphrates by Ancyra and Sebastea. Having passed Gaziura," he encamped in the plain of Dazimon, where Afshin had inflicted on his father an overwhelming defeat." Here he awaited the approach of the Emir, who was near at hand, advancing, as we may with certainty assume, from Sebastea.

An enemy marching by this road, against Ainasea, had the choice of two ways.

He might proceed northward to Duzimon This is not explained in the B. 826 = Leo Gr. 210 = Th. Mol. 168); narrative of Nasr, but follows from tho

to γεγενημένου. statement of Tabari elsewhero (56), Pseudo-Simeon (874 Tov Baoilda yon that the Emperor wrote otloring 1000 το Μ. καταλαβόντα) had a good text of Moslems as rulisom.

WO

must

corroct

the original before him. Maurojmotamon ? The oxchango was ollected on the

is the unknown place on some rould to banks of the Lamos in April to May.

the region of Melitene whero Theo. Michael must have left Constantinople

ktistog was defeated (see above, p. 274). about the beginning of June.

T'ho truo date of the campaign is

determined by that of the Russian 3 Simeon (steel. licory.) 826. Cp. opisculo (soo do Boor, op. cit. 158). above, p. 144. At the time of Michael's

Conosios wrongly implies the dato sol death Doryphas seems to have been (91, two years after the campinign of drungarios of the lamperial fleet (NCO

859). Tabari records that in A.l), 800 the addition to Simeoli's text in the

Omar made a summer raid and took Vatican MS. of Coul. licory. cd.

7000 captives (50), and does not Muralt, 762 = l'soulo-Simoun, 087), mention a raid of Omar in the follows but it does not follow that, as do

ing year:

Accorling to Gionesins, the Bror (Der Angriff der Rhus, 450) as: Imperial army numbered 10,000 innumes, ho hold this post in 800. Had chuiling Maccloninni and Thraciana Tio bicon drungarios liv would have been

troops, and that of the Emir :30,000. alsulit with tho lleet in the west.

o This miglit be reached from + He had rerched Mauropotamon Ancyra by (northern route) Euchaita. (Simeon, vers. Slav, 100, and Cont. Amasca, or (southern) by Tavion, Geory, ul. Mur. 7:36). The other pub. Verinopolix, and Zela. (Euchaita is lisleid Greek texts have a corrupt Elwan Chelebi: Anderson, Seul l'ont. reading which implies that the Russian i. 9.) were at Mauropotamon : Tin twv állówv U llo reached Dazimou (Tokil) : 110 Ρώς εμήνυσεν άφιξιν γεγενημένους ήδη encamped in the meallow of kollarion Karà tor leg. To] M. (Cont. (ievry, ed. (Cien, 92).

:

and then westward by Guziura; or he might turu westward at Verisu (Bolous) and reach Amasca by Sebastopolis (Sulu-serai) and Zela. On this occasion the first route was barred by the Roman army, which lay near the strong fortress of Dazimon, and could not be advantageously attacked on this side. It would have been possible for Omar, following the second route, to have reached Caziura from Zela, and entered the plain of Dazimon from the west. But he preferred a bolder course, which surprised the Greeks, who acknowledged his strategic ability. Leaving the Zela rond, a little to the west of Verisa, he led his forces northward acrogs the hills (AkDagh)," und descending into the Dazimon plain occupied favourable position at Chonarion, not far from the Greek camp. The battle which ensued resulted in a rout of the Imperial army, and Michael sought a refuge on the summit of the samo steep hill of Auzên which marked the scene of his father's defeat. Here he was besieged for some hours, but want of Water and plsture induced the Emir to withdraw his forces.

It is possible that the victorious general followed up his success by advancing as far as Sinope." But three years

For Vurisa = Bolous, sco Anderson, Anzin, and is probably on the south ib, 37-38.

side of the Dazimonitis. Hamilton's ? If we could identify kellarin and identification of Kaivov Xwplow with Chonarion, there would be no dilliculty Yildiz Dagh (Rescarches in Asia Minor, in understanding the brief description i. 318), which is cast of Verisu, southin Gen. and Coni. Th. of the strategic east of Tokat, cannot be maintained ; movchient of Omar. But I submit seo Cumont, Slu. Pont. ii. 231-223. that the logical interpretation of their + The notice of Omar reaching Sinope Worlds in that on which I have ventureil. ig in Simeon (Cont. Geory.) 8:24. (ien. 92 ο δε "Αμερ στρατηγικώς Rainsay connected it with the expedi. ταρεμβατικώτερον διελθών της απαγούσης tion of 863 ; but it is noted by Simeon όδου προς την Ζέλισαν (which un as a distinct expellition. Tho Jilliculty questionably means Zela) ; Conl. Th. in connecting it with the expedition 177-178 άρτι δή "Αμερ αυτό κατα. of' 800 lies (1) in the words in dorpeye στρατηγών πορρωτέρω της τετριμμένης μη καταληφθείς υπό του Ρωμαικου je oôov ; i.. Omar left the high-road otparoll (worils which forbid its cone to Zola in order to reach a position nection with 80:3), and (2) in the fact close to the Ruinan army which was that the writer relate subsequently (out licar Dazimon. The map soumis to of chronological order) Michael's march have no alternative to the general to Mauropotamon and the Russian course which I have indicated.

peril (820). Perhaps it is best to Cp, above, p. 205. The hill was assign it to 801 or 862. In any case six miles from the scene of the battle. Amisus or Sinope was probably the l'asilev has the strange notion (194, goal of Omar in 860. This year was . 11. 2) that Xwvápcov may be a shortened also marked by incursions of karbcas foran of Strabo's kaivov Xwplov (781, and of Ali ibn Yahya, and by the ad. Teubner), which he thinks suits capture of a maritimo stronghold (the

tlu description of Anzo. On etymolo. M$. text of Tuburi hus Antiochin, but I had grounds along this is unaccepit. probably Attalia is meant). Taburi,

alle; but in any case Chonarion is not 60. Seo Vasil'ov, 195, 11. 4.

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