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arrived ut Syracuse in the luto autumn under the command of Constantine Kontomytes. The army landed, but wus utterly defented by Abbas, who marched from Panormos. The coming of the Greek fleet incited some of the towns in the west to rebel against their Arub lords, but they were speedily subdued, and Abbas won a second victory over the Greck forces near Cefalù. This was the last effort of the Amorian dynasty to rescue the island of the west from the clutch of Islam. Before the death of Michael III. the invaders had strengthened their power in the south-east by the captures of Noto ? and Scicli, and in the north-east the heights of Tauromnenium had fallen into their hands." Syracuse was still safe, but its fall, which was to complete the conquest of Sicily, Wile only reserved for the reign of Michael's successor."
$ 3. The Invasion of Southern Italy As a result of the Italian conquests of Charles the Great, two sovran powers divided the dominion of Italy between them. The Eastern Empire retained Venice, a large part of Campania, and the two southern extremities; all the rest of the preninsula was subject to the new Emperor of the West. But this simple formula is far from expressing the actual situation. On
hand, the nominal allegiance to
sources differ as to this battle, Ilon il-Athir and Ibn Adari representing the Moslems as victorious, while the Cambridye Chronicle says (28) émiá. σθησαν τα καράμια του 'Αλή. Nuwaiti acknowledges the defeat, but places it at Crote.
Cumbrilye Chron. 28 (ind. 8-859. 00) κατήλθεν ο Κονδυμηττης. The Arabic Version has "the Fandami landed." I suspect that Qanulami (Kondy. mosles]) was intended. The letters fu and qaf ditler only by a dot. Constantine Kontomytes, strategos of Sicily, is mentioned in Cont. Th. 175. Vasil'ev listinguishes him from Constantine Koutomytes, who was stratigos of the Thrakesian Thonie under Thcophilus (Cont. Th. 137). I see no reason for not identifying trem.
? TÒ Nétos (between Syracuse and Motyke), north of the modern Now.
Thai'nin 804 it had to be retakon in 860 (Cumbridge Chron. 30). During these years (862-867) Hafaja ibn Sufyan way governoi.
Abbas had died in 861 at qorogorah (Ibn al-Athir, 97; Calta. girano? Vasil'ov), where lo buried. The Cirocky dug nipi liis corpose
und buried it. & Thin al.Athir, 98. Amnri (Sloria, i. 347) thinks it possible that Troina (west of Elna) is nieant. But Vasil'ov has no doubts that Taormina is in. dicated. Envoys from Taormina met Hlataja near Mount Etna and proposed torms. Hafaja sent his wife and son to the city and a treaty was concluded. But the inhabitants broke the treaty, and the governor sent his son against it and it was taken (866). So Ibn al-Athir.
Charles which the great Lombard Duchy of Beneventum pretended to acknowledge, did not affect its autonomy or hinder its Dukes from pursuing their own independent policy in which the Frankish power did not count; on the other hand, the cities of the Campanian coast, while they respected the formal authority of the Emperor at Constantinople, virtually, like Venice, managed their own affairs, and were left to protect their own interests. The actual power of Charles did not reach south of the Pontifical State and the Duchy of Spoleto; the direct government of Nicephorus extended only over the southern parts of Calabria and Apulia. These relatively inconsiderable Byzantine districts were now an appendage to Sicily; they were administered by an ofliciul entitled the Duke of Calabriu; but he wils dependent on the Sicilian strat@gos. In Calabrint- the ancient Bruttii—the northern boundary of his province was south of Cosenza and Bisignano, which were Lombard ;' in Apulia, the chief cities were Otranto? and Gallipoli. These two districts were cut nsunder by the Lombards, who were lords of Tarentum; so that the communications among the three territories which forined the western outpost of the Eastern Empire—Sicily, Calabria, and Apulin--were entirely maritime.
In the eighth century the city of Naples was loyally devoted to Constantinople, and the Emperor's not only appointed the consular dukes who governed her, but exercised a real control over her through the stratégoi of Sicily. lu seemed probable that under this Byzantine influence, Naples would, like Sicily and Calabria, become Graecised, and her attitude was signally hostile to Rome. But in the reign of Ireno, u duko named Stephen played it decisive rôlo in the history of the city and uverted such a development. le aimed at loosening, without cutting, the bonds which attached Naples to Constantinople, and founding a native dynasty. His régime is morked by a reaction in favour of Latin; he is determined that the Neapolitan clergy shall
! inherit the traditions of Latin and not of Greek Christendom.” And if he is careful to avoid any rupture with the Empire
| The most important places in Lonibards. Cod. Carolinus, Ee, 17, Byzantino Calabria were' Reggio, p. 515 (M.G.U., Epp. Mer, el Kur. Cotrone, Rossano and Amantea. acri, i. ed. Gundlach).
? Recovered c. A.1). 759 from the * Gay, L'Italic mer. 18-19.
and to secure the Imperial assent to the succession of his son Stephen II., the head of the Emperor soon disappears from the bronze coinage of Naples and is replaced by that of Januarius, the patron saint of the city. This assertion of independence was followed by years of trouble and struggles along competitors for the ducal power, which lasted for a generation, and once in that period the authority reverted briefly to representatives of the Imperial government. Weary of anarchy, the Neapolitans invited the Sicilian governor to nominate a duke, and for three years the city was subject to Byzantine officials. Then (in A.1). 821) the people drove out the protospatharios Theodore, and elected i descendant of Stephen. But twenty years more elapsed before the period
" of anarchy was finally terminated by the strong arm of Seruins of Cumae, who was elected in A.1). 840.
Cuctils and Amalfi belonged nominally to the Duchy of Naples, and, like Naples, to the Eastern Empire. But they were virtually independent city states. Gaeta lay isolated in the north. For Terracina belonged to the l'ope, and Minturnac, as well as Capun, with the inouths of the Liris and Vulturnus, belonged to the Lombard lords of Beneventum. The great object of the Lombards was to crush the cities of the Campanian const, and the struggle to hold her own against their aggression was the principal preoccupation of Naples at this period. In this strife Naples displayed wonderful resourcefulness, but the Lombards had all the avantages. The Duchy of Beneventum comprised Samnium, the greater part of Apulia, Lucania, and the north of Calabria ; moreover it came down to the coasts of Campania, so that Naples and Amalfi were isolated between Capua and Salerno. If the Beneventan power had remained as strong and Collsolidated its it had been in the days of Arichis, there can be small doubt that Naples and her fellows must have been absorbed in the Lombard state. They were delivered from the danger by the outbreak of internal struggles in the Beneventan Duchy.
The Lombards had never had a navy; but Arichis, the 1 For examples sco Capusso, ii. 2, 3 The chief magistrate of Gaceta was
entitled hypatus, op. Capasso, i. 263 » Chron. episc. Neup. (Capasso, i.), («locument of A.1). 839). 205, 207.
great Prince who dominated southern Italy in the reign of Constantine V. and Irene (A.D. 758-787), seems to have conceived the plan of creating a sea-power, and he inade a second capital of his Principality at Salerno, where he often resided. The descent of Charles the Great into Italy, and the moed of furnishing no pretext to that sovran for interfering in South - Italian affairs, prevented Arichis from pursuing the designs which he probably entertained against Naples and the Campanian cities. . He hoped to find at Constantinople . support against the Franks and the Roman See which regarded him with suspicion and dislike; and this policy necessarily involved peace with the Italian cities which were under the Imperial sovranty. Shortly before his death, he sent an embassy to the Empress Irene, requesting her to confer on him the title of Patrician and offering to acknowledge her supremacy.' Her answer was favourable, but the l'rince was dend when the cnsigns of the Patriciate arrived. In connexion with this Greek policy of Arichis, we may note the fact that Byzantine civilisation was exercising a considerable influence on the Lombard court at this period.?
Though the son of Arichis was compelled to accept the suzerainty of Charles the Great, his Principality remained actually autonomous. But his death (1.1). 806) marked the beginning of a decline, which may be imputed to the growing power of the aristocracy. Insisting on their rights of election, the nobles would not recognise a hereditary right to the oflice of Prince, and the struggles of aspirants to power ended in the disruption of the state. The most important Princes of this period were Sicon and Sicard," and their hands were heavy against the Campanian cities, Amalfi was puillaged and reduced for some years to be a dependency of Salerno. Naples was compelled to avert the porils and miseries of a siege by paying tribute; she sought repeatedly, but in vain, the succour of the western Emperor; at length she turned to another quarter.
It was less than ten years after the Mosleme of Africa began the conquest of Sicily, that the Moslems of Sicily were
"Sve Letter of Pope Hadrian to 3 16, 43-44. Charles in A.1). 788, Cod. Carol, p. • Sicon, A.D), 817-831 ; Sicard, A.).
Gay, op. cit. 46.48.
tempted to begin the conquest of southern Italy; and here, its in the cuse of Sicily, their appearance on the scene was provoked by an invitation. Naples, besieged by Sicard, sought aid from the Saracen governor of Panormos.
A Saracen fleet Was promptly despatched, and Sicard was compelled to raise the siege and conclude a treaty. The alliance ? thus begun
' between Naples and Panorinos was soon followed by active aggression of the Moslems against the enemy of their Christian allies. Brundusium was the first sacrifice. The Moslems suddenly surprised it; Sicard marched to expel them; but they dug covered pits in front of the walls, and drawing the Lombard cavalry into the snare gained a complete victory. Sicard prepared for a new attempt, and the Arabs, feeling that they were not strong enough to hold out, burned the city and returned to Sicily.
The assassination of Sicard shortly after this event was followed by a struggle between two rivals, Sikenolf his brother and Radelchis. The l'rincipality was rent into two parts; Salernum was ranged against Beneventum; and the contest lasting for ten years (A.D. 839-849) furnished the Moslems. with most favourable opportunities and facilities for laying the foundations of a Mohammadan state in southern Italy. Tarentum fell into their hands, and this led to the interposition of the Emperor Theophilus, whose possessions in Italy were now immediately threatened. He did not send forces himself, but he requested or required his vassal, Venice, to deliver Tarentum. He could indeed appeal to Venetian interests. The affair of Brundusium may have brought home to Venice that the danger of Saracen fleets in the Hadriatic waters, of Saracen descents on the Hadriatic coasts, could no longer be ignored. In response to the pressure of the Emperor, a
Venetian armament of sixty ships sailed to the Gulf of Tarentum (A.D. 840), where it encountered the powerful fleet of the · Arabs who had lately captured the city. The Venetians were
A.D. 836. Joann. Neap. 431 (Cap- surrounded by Arabic letters. Vasil'ev, asso, i. 210). Text of treaty between 144, who refers to D. Spinelli, Monete Sicard and Andrew, Duke of Naples : cufiche battute da principi longobardi, Capasso, ii. 2, 147-156. Aricrew is normanni, csvevi, p. xxvi. (Naples, entitled magister militum in this in. 1841); cp. Capasso, i. 80. strument (149).
3 Chron. Salern. 503. The dato is * Au interesting memorial of this uncertain (perhaps 838, Vusil'ev). confederacy is a gold coin inscribed with the name of (Duko) Andreas, 5 Joann. Ven. 114 ; Dund. Chron. 175.
+ Chron. Sal. 508