government retaliated by reinforcing the garrisons of the frontier forts of Thrace in order to carry out a systematic devastation of Thracian Bulgaria.' This plan released Mucedonia froin the enemy; Isbules was recalled to defend his country. The absence of the Thracian and Macedonian troops, which these events imply, is explained, if they were at this time engaged in reducing the Slavs of the Peloponnesus.”

These hostilities seem to have been followed by a truce, ind soon afterwards Malumir was succeeded by his nephew Boris (c. A.1). 852). This king, whose reign marks an important epoch in the development of Bulgaria, was soon involved in war with the Servians and with the Croatians. He hoped to avenge the defeats which his uncle had suffered in Servia." But the Servians again proved themselves superior and captured Vladimir, the son of Boris, along with the twelve great boliads. The Bulgarian king was compelled to submit to terms of peace in order to save the prisoners, and fearing that he might be Waylaid on his homeward march he asked for a safe-conduct. He was conducted by two Servian

successor

tion (C.I.G. iv. 8691 b) found near Philippi. Its obvious meaning is that the Bulgarian king sent Isbules with an army and that he operated in the district of the Smoleanoi, who, wo know, lived on the middle course of the Nestus. Cp. Appendix X.

Simeon (Cont. licory. 821). This notice comes immediately after that of the death of Methodius, which occurred in June 847. Zlatarski, 43

has made it quite clear that Simcon refers liere to different events from those recorded by licnesios, 85 sq. (see below). He is almost certainly right in relörring the important in. scription of Shumla (bobu, 233) to operations at this perioil in Tlıraco (51 sg.), though otherwise I cannot accept his interpretation (sco Appendix X.). The forts of Proba. ton and Burdizos which are mentioned in it would be two of tho káospa referred to by Simeon, with whoso not Words γρυκν ερημοσά (οι Γραικοί ερήμωσαν) are obviously in accordance.

The date of the accession of Boris is determined by Zlatarski, 40-17. llo reigned thirty-six years (Theopilıy. luctus, Mart. 201), his Vladimir four years (ib. 213). Vladi. mir was still alive in 83% (.dw. Full., s.a.), but was succeeded loy Simoni not later than 893. This gives 852. 853 lor accession of Boris (Golubinski aud Jireček had already dated it to 852-856). 852 is rendered probable by the Bulgarian embassy sent to Lewis the German in that year (init. Fuill., s.a.), which was probably to announce the accession and confirm the treaty of 8.15 (ib., $.11.).

5 Constantini, De adm. imp. 154. 155 (Servian war) 150 (Croatian war: unsuccessful and followed by peace). Zlatarski dates these wars to 854-800 (55). Dümmler (Slauen in Dalm. 397) conjectures that the Croatian

was successful, and that the Croatians coded Bosnia to Boris. Ho bises this guess on the apparent fact that about this time the Croatian power seriously cleclined. He supposes ihat soon fier the conquest, Boris was defeated in his war with the Servians and compelled to surrender Bosnia to them.

War

2

princes to the frontier at Rusa, where he repaid their services luy ample gifts, and received from them, as a pledge of friendship, two slaves, two falcons, two hounds, and ninety skins.' This friendship bore political fruits. The two princes were sons of Muntiinir, one of three brothers, who, soon after the Bulgarian invasion, engaged in a struggle for supreme power, and when. Muntimir gained the upper hand he sent his rivals to Bulgaria to lie detained in the custody of Boris.

During the reign of Boris pouce was maintained, notwithstandiny occasional menaces," between Bulgaria and the Empire; and before the end of the reign of Michael Ill, the two powers were drawn into a new relation, when the king accepted Christian, baptism. But the circumstances of this event, which is closely connected with larger issues of European politics, must be reserved for another chapter. γούνας.

CHAPTER XII

THE CONVERSION OF THE SLAVS AND BULGARIANS

§ 1. The Slavs in Greece The ninth century was a critical period in the history of the Slavonic world. If in the year A.D. 800 a political prophet had possessed u map of Europe, such as we can now construct, he might have been tompted to predict that the whole eastern half of the continent, from the Danish peninsula to the Peloponnesus, wus destined to form a Slavonic empire, or at lenst a solid group of Slavonic kingdoms. From the mouth of the Elbe to the Ionian Sen there was a continuous line of Slavonic peoples--the Abodrites, the Wilzi, the Sorbs, the Lusations, the Bohemians, the Slovenes, the Croatians, and the Slavonic settlements in Macedonia and Greeco. Behind them were the Lechs of Poland, the kingdom of Cirent Moravin, Servin, and the strongly organized kingdom of Bulgurin ; while farther in the background were all the tribes which were to form the nucleus of unborn Russia. This a vertical line from Denmark to the Hidriatic seemed to mark the limit of the Teutonic worlıl, beyond which it might have been deemed impossible thut German arms would make any permanent impression on the serried array of Slavs; while in the Balkan peninsula it might have appeared not improbable that the Bulgarian power, which had hitherto proved a formidable antagonist to Byzantium, would expand over Illyricum and Greece, and ultimately drive the Greeks from Constantinople. Such was the horoscope of nations which might plausibly have been drawn from a European chart, and which the history of the next two hundred years was destined to falsify. At the beginning of the eleventh century the Western Empire of the Germans had extended its power far and irretrievably boyond the Elbe, while the Eastern Empire of the Greeks had trampled the Bulgarian power under foot. And in the meantimo the Hungarians had inserted themselves like a wedge between the Slays of the north and the Slavs of the south. On the other hand, two things had happened which were of great moment for the future of the Slavonic race: the religion of the Cirveks and the Teutons had spread ainong the Slavs, and the kingdom of Russia had been created. The beginnings of both these movements, which were slow and gradual, fall in the period when the Amorian dynasty reigned at New Rome.'

It was under the illspices of Michael III. that the unruly Slavonic triles in the l'eloponnests were finally brought under the control of the government, and the credit of their subjugattion is probably to be imputed to Theodorit and hier fellowl'agents. The Sluss were diffused all over the peninsula, but the evidence of placenes indicates that their settlements were thickest in Arcadia and Elis, Messenia, Laconia, and Achaia?

In the plains of Elis, on the slopes of Taygetos, and in the great marshlands of the lower Eurotas, they seem almost entirely to have replaced the ancient inhabitants. Somewhere between Sparta and Megalopolis was the great Slavonic town Veligosti, of which no traces remain. Of the tribes we know only the names of the Milings and the Ezerites. The Milings had settled in the secure fastnesses of Taygetos; the Ezerites, or Like-men; abode in the neighbouring Helos or marshland, from which they took their name. Living independently under their own župans, they seized every favourable opportunity of robbery inid plunder. In the reign of Nicephorus (A.D. 807) they formed in conspiracy with the Surucous of Africa" to

· The introduction of Christianity umoubteilly, Albanian, from wallj, among the Croatians and Servings was "mountaill," as Philipposon points out of older date.

(ib. 8). "Coritsa is often enumerated ? See Philippuson, i. 3.4; Grego: among the Slavonic names, but it rovius, Athen, i. 113 99%. ; G. Meyer, may come from A.goritsa (àyopa). Aufsitze wul Stwier (1885), 140. Tho But there are plenty about which place-lames still require a thorough

can be no doubt (such as going investigation. Not a few, which krivitsa, Garditsa, kamenitsa). have beciitiken for Slavonic, may be Esrro, Slavonic for lako. Greek or Albanian. E.4. Malivo--the • The source i- Constantine, Dearlm. name of Parnoli and other mountains imp. c. 49. He says that the story ---was explained as Slavonic by Fall. told orally (àypáows) during Imerayer and Gregorovius, but it is their lifetime by contemporaries to

3

there

3

Was

attack the rich city of Patrae. The stratêgos of the province whose residence was at Corinth, delayed in sending troops to relieve the besieged town, and the citizens suffered from want of food and water. The story of their deliverance is inextricably bound up with a legend of supernatural uid, vouchsafed to them by their patron saint. A scout was sent to a hill, east of the town, anxiously to scan the coast road from Corinth, and it he saw the approach of the troops, to signal to .the inhabitants, when he came within sight of the walls, by lowering a tlag; while if he kept the flag erect, it would be known that there was no sign of the help which was so imputiently expected. He returned disappointed, with his tlag crect, but his horse slipped and the flag was lowered in the rider's fall. The incident was afterwards imputed to the direct interposition of the Deity, who had been moved to resort to this artifice by the intercessions of St. Andrew, the guardian of l'atrae. The citizens, meanwhile, sccing the tlag full, and supposing that succour was at hand, immediately opened tho gates and fell upon the Saracens and the Slavs. Conspicuous in their ranks rode a great horseman, whose more than human appearance territied the barbarians.

Aided by this champion, who was no other than St. Andrew himself, the Crecks routed the enemy and won great booty and many captives. Two days later the stratêgos arrived, and sent a full report of all the miraculous circumstances to the Emperor, who issued a charter for the Church of St. Andrew, ordaining that the defeated Slavs, their families, and all their belongings should become the property of the Church “inasmuch as the the younger generation. But the to infer that there was au Avar settle. genuine source was the digillor (seal) ment in the Peloponnesus, that Avars or charter of Nicophorus, to which joined the Slavs in the attack, and lie refirs, and which was estant in were meutioned in the Chrysobull of thu oluvonth century. For it is cited Nicephorus! I drow this in forener in in H Synodul Letter of the l'atriarch a paper on Navarino (llermuthena, Nicolans in the reign of Aloxius I. ; xxxi. 430 899., 1905), connecting it sc:. Leunclavius, Jus Crouco- liomanum, with the interpretation of Avarinosp. 278 (1590), or Migne, 1.6. 119, 877. the original name of Navarino--as an llow the occurrence is briefly de. Avar settlement. See also Miller in scribed, and dated 218 years after the Eng. Hist. Rericu', 20, 307 s14 (1905). occupation of the Peloponnesus, which But another possible derivation is the Patriarch connected with the in. from the Slavonic javorů, “maple," so vasion of A.1). 589 (Evagrius, vi. 10). that the name would mean “maplellence we get the late A.1). 807 for wood"; cp. 'Aßapiroa in Epirus, the siege or Patrac (op. Fallmerayer, * ABopos in Phocis : G. Meyer, naletu Morea, i. 185). But the Patriarch Giaccicusia, 12 (1893). speaks of Avärs, not of Slavs. Are we