this time directed to destroying the independence of the Slavonic kingdom of Greut Moravia, north of the Carpathians. Prince Rostislav was inaking a successful stand against the encroachments of his. Teutonic neighbours, but he wanted allies sorely und he turned to Bulgaria. He succeeded in engaging the co-operation of Boris, who, though he sent an embassy to Lewis just after his accession, formed an offensive alliance with Rostislav in the following year (A.D. 853). The allies conducted a joint campaign and were defeated.' The considerations which impelled Boris to this change of policy are unknown; but it was only temporary. Nine years later he changed front. When Karlmann, who had become governor of the East Mark, revolted against his father Lewis, he was supported by Rostislav, Lut Boris sided with Lewis, and a new treaty of alliance was negotiated between the German and Bulgarian kings (A.D. 862)."

Moravia had need of help against the combination of Bulguria with her German foe, and Rostislav sent an embassy to the court of Byzantium. It must have been the purpose of the ambassadors to convince the Emperor of the dangers with which the whole Illyrian peninsula was menaced by the Bulgaro-German alliunce, and to induce him to attack Bulgaria."

The Byzantine government must have known much more than we of the auture of the negotiations between Boris and Lewis. In particular, we have no information as to the price which the German offered the Bulgarian for his active assistance in suppressing the rebellion. But we have clear evidence that the question of the conversion of Bulgaria to Christianity was touched upoir in the negotiations. As a means of increitsing his political influence at the Bulgarian court, this matter wils of great importance to Lewis, and Boris did not declino to entertain the proposition. The interests of the Eastern Empire were directly involved. Bulgaria was a standing danger; but that danger would be seriously enhanced if she pissed under the ecclesiastical supremacy of Rome and threw in her lot with Latin Christianity. It was a matter of supreme urgency to detach Boris from his connexion with Lewis, and the representatives

3 3

of Rostislav may have helped Michael and his advisers to realize the full gravity of the situation. It was decided to coerce the Bulgarians, and in the summer of A.D. _863 Michael marched into their territory at the heud of his army, while his fleet appeared off their coast on the Black Sea.' The moment was favourable. Bulgarian forces were absent, taking part in the campaign against Karlmann, and the country was suffering from a cruel famine. In these cir. cumstances, the Emperor accomplished his purpose without Htriking a blow; the demonstration of his power sufliced to induce Boris to submit to his conditions. It was arranged that Bulgaria should receive Christianity from the Greeks and become ecclesiastically dependent on Constantinople; that Boris should withdraw from the offensive alliance with Lewis and only conclude a treaty of peace.” In return for this

" alteration of his policy, the Emperor agreed to some territorial concessions. lle surruridered to Bulgaria a district which was uninhabited and formed a inarch between the two realms, extending from the Iron Gate, a pass in the StranjuDagh, northward to Develtos." It has been supposed that ut the sume time the frontier in the far west was also regulated, and that the results of the Bulgariani advance towards the Hadriatic were formally recognized."

The brilliant victory which was guined over tho Saracens

The meaning of this expedition the southern point of the region in has been first satisfactorily explained question, ind identifies it with a puse loy Zlatırski, 62 594. The source is called Demir Kapu, “Iron Ciate'," in Simeon (Coul. licory. $21).

the north-western hills of the Stranja. ? The consent to incerpol Christinnity Planina, north of Losell-grail, which is was perhaps unexpect. Photius,

, near Kovchat. lle places the western Εν. 4. ν. 168 εις την των χριστιανών point of the surrendered district παραδόξως μετενεκέντρίσθησαν πίστιν. at the Sakar Planina. The other

3 This treaty was maintained for region, between the Eastern Balkans many years to colle.

and the Erkesiia, was also called + Cont. Theoph. 105 õ(Owner épnunu Zagora ( =" behind the mountains "); ουσαν τηνικαύτα την από Σιδηράς, ταύτης 6 Zlatarski, 70 sqq. Ochirida and δε τότε όριον τυγχανούσης Ρωμαίων τε Glavinitsa were Bulgarian in the reign και αυτών άχρι της Διβέλτου, ήτις ούτω of Boris (Vitu Clementis, c. 17. g. 24, ed. καλείται Ζάγορα παρ' αύτοϊς (ερήμη 19 Miklosich: Kephalenia = Glavinitsu). the antecedent of ijros). The credit Zlatarski carefully

discusses thu of having explained this passiigo whereabouts of this place and con: belongs to Zlatarski, op. cit. 05 599. cludes that (distinct from the region llitherto Ponpa had been explained of of Cape Glossa, on the buy of Avlonia, the so-named Bulkan puss (Veregava, which was called Cluvinitsil) there see above, p. 339, n. 2), bout the an inlaul fortress Cliviuitsi, district stretching from the Balkans between the rivers Voiusa (ancient to Devellos wins already Bulgarian. Avus) and Ozum (ancient Apsus), Zlatarski lins pra'l Thit Lionpå marks neutr Mount Tomor; and he would

Was

in the autumn of the same year at Poson was calculated to confirm the Bulgarians in their change of policy,' and in the course of the winter the details of the treaty were arranged. The envoys whom Boris sent to Constantinople were baptized there ; ? this was a pledge of the loyal intentions of their innster. When the pence was finally concluded (A.D. 864-5), tho! king himrelf received baptism. The Emperor acted us his! sponsor, and the royal proselyte adopted the naine of Michael. The infant Church of Bulgaria was included in the seo of Constantinople.'

Popular and ecclesiastical interest turned rather to the personal side of the conversion of the Bulgarian monarch than to its political aspects, and the opportunity was not lost of inventing edifying tales. According to one story, Boris became acquainted with the elements of Christian doctrine by conversiitions with a captive monk, Theodore Kupharas. The Empress Theodora offered him a ransom for this monk, and then restored to him his sister who had been led captive by the Greeks and honourably detained in the Imperial palace at Constantinople, where she had embraced the Christian fuith. When she returned to her country she laboured incessantly to convert her brother. He remained loyal to his own religion until Bulgarin was visited by a terrible famine, and then he was moved to appeal to the Ciod whom Theodore Kupharas and his own sister hac urged him to worship. There are

two points of interest in this tale. It reflects the clement of feminine influence, which is said to have played a part in the conversions of many barbarian chiefs, and which, for all we know, may have co-operated in shaping the decisio:1 of Boris ; and it represents the famine, which prevailed in Bulgaria at the time of Michael's invasion, as a divine visitation designed to lead that country to the true religion. Another tale, which bells on the face of it a monkish origin, is of a more scusational kiml." Boris was passionately addicted to hunting, and he desired to feast his eyes upon the scenes of the chaso during those nocturnal hours of leisure in which he could not indulge in his favourite pursuit. He sent for a Greek monk, Methodius by name, who practised the illt of painting, but instead of commanding him to execute pictures of hunting als he had intended, the king Wils suddenly moved by a divine impulse to give liim different directions. “I do not want you to depict,” he said, “ the slinghter of men in battle, or of animals

” in the hunting-field; paint anything you like that will strike terror into the hearts of those that yaze upon it,” Methodius could imagine nothing more terrible than the second coming of God, and he painted a scene of the Last Judgment, exhibiting the righteous receiving their rewards, and the wicked ignominiously dismissed to their everlasting punishment. In consequence of the terror produced by this spectacle, Boris received instruction in Christian doctrine and was secretly baptized at night.

In changing his superstition, Boris had to reckon with his people, iind the situation tested his strength as a king lle forced his subjects to submit to the rite of baptism,' and his policy led to il rebellion. The nobles, incensed at his apost:sy', stirred up the people to slay him, and all the

, Bulgarians of the ten districts of the kingdom gathered round

3

his palace, perhaps at Pliska. We cannot te. i how he succeeded in suppressing this formidable revolt, for the rest of the story, as it reached the ears of Bishop Hincniar of Reinis, is of a miraculous nature. Boris had only fortyeight devoted followers, who like himself were Christians. Invoking the name of Christ,' he issued from his palace against the menucing multitude, and as the gates opened seven clergy, each with a lighted taper in his hand, suddenly appeared and walked in front of the royal procession. Then the rebellious crowd was affected with a strange illusion. They fancied that the palace was on tire and was about to fall on their heads, and that the horses of the king and his followers were walking erect on their hind feet and kicking them with their fore feet. Subdued by mortal terror, they could neither flee nor prepare to strike; they fell prostrate on the ground. When we are told that the king put to death fiftytwo nobles, who were the active leaders of the insurrection, and spared all the rest, we are back in the region of sober facts. But Boris not only put to death tho magnates who had conspired against his life; he also destroyed all their children.” This precaution against future conspiracies of sons thirsting to avenge their fathers has also a political significance as a blow struck at the dominant race, and must be taken in connexion with the gradual transformation of the Bulgarian. into a Slavonic kingdom.'

Greek clergy now poured into Bulgaria to baptize and teach the people and to organize the Church. The Patriarch l'hotius indited in long letter to his “illustrious and well

. beloved son,” Michael, the Archon of Bulgaria, whom he calls the “fiir jewel of his labours.”+ In the polished style which could only be appreciated and perhaps understood by the welltrained cars of those who had enjoyed the privilege of higher education, the Patriarch sets forth the foundations of the Christian faith. Having cited the text of the creed of Nicaea