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military merchants—it is said their numbers were 100,000— living by plunder and trade. They had a chief who received i tithe froin the merchants."

The Russian traders carried their wares to the south by two river routes, the Dnieper and the Volga. The voyage down the Dnieper was beset by some difliculties and dangers. The boats of the Russians were canoes, and were renewed every year. They rowed down as far as Kiev in the boats of the last season, and here they were met by Slavs, who, during the winter had cut down trecs in the mountains and made now boats, which they brought down to the Duieper and sold to the merchants. The year and merchandise were transhipped, and in the month of June they suiled down to the fort of Vytitshev," where they waited till the whole flotilla was assembled. South of the modern Ekaterinoslav the Dnieper forces its way for some sixty miles through high walls of granite rock, and descends in a succession of waterfalls which offer a tedious obstacle to navigation. The Slavs had their own names for these falls, which the Russians rendered into Norse. For instance, Vinyi-prag' was translated literally by

. Baru-fors, both names meaning " Willowy waterfall,” - and this “ force" is still called Volnyi, “the billowy." In some cases the navigators, having unloaded the boats, could guide them through the fall; in others it was necessitry to transport them, as well us their freights, for a considerable distance. This passage could not safely be made exept in a formidable com

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"The Aralic writers designate him Chernigov, Vyshegrad, and Teliutsa

, the Chagan of the Russians, and so ho (Liubech), but it is uncertain whether is called (chacinus) in dun. Bert., s.a. any of these settlements were prior to 839. This Turkisii title was evidently the settlement at kiev. applied to him by the Khazars, and • There are clevel porogi (waterfalls Wily adopted from them by the Arabs extending over the whole bull of the and perhapus luy the Greeks (in thu river), of which Constantino enumerletter of Theophilus to Lewis ?). ates seven, au six zaburi (only paro

? The following account is derived tial obstructions). from Constantine, De aulm. imp. c. 9. i The tifth in Constantine's ennThough composed at a later time, meration : Bovluntpáx. Bapovpópos when the l'atzinaks were in the (rulmu is the Russian, voru the Old neighbourhood of the Dnieper, it Norse, for "wave''). All the name's obviously applies to the earlier jurivu are not quite so clear, but they havo too.

locou explained, some with certainty, Movóşi Aa, “unc plankers.". others probably, by Thomsen, op. cil. + Bitet šípon. The more still exists, let. ii. These souble names are 0110

u Constantine ways trint the mer. of the most importint items in the chants came not only from Novgorol, overwhelming evidence for the fact but it so Iron Milinistit (Smolensk), that the Russians were Scandinavians,

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pany; a small body would have fallen a prey to predatory nomads like the Hungarians and the Patzinaks. On reaching the Black Sea, they could coast westwards to Varna and Mesembria, but their usual route was to Cherson. There they supplied the demands of the Greek merchants, and then rounding the south of the peninsula, reached the Khazar town of Tamatarkha, where they could dispose of the rest of their merchandise to the Jewish traders, who in their turn could transport it to Itil, or perhaps to Armenia and Baghdnd. But the Rusinus could also trade directly with Itil und Baghdad. The Volya curricul them to Itil, where they lodged in the pusteru town; then they embarked on the Caspian Sen and sailed to various ports within the Saracen dominion ; sometimes from Jurjan they made the journey with camels to Baghdad, where Slavonic eunuchs served as their interpreters.

This coinmerce was of high importance both to the Emperor and to the Chugun, not only in itself, but because the Emperor leviedl u lithe at Cherson on all the wares which passed through to Tamatarkha, and the Chagan exacted the same duty on all that passed through Chamlich to the doininion of the Saracens. The identity of the amount of the duties, ten per ('cut, Wils the natural result of the conditions.

4. Imperiul Policy. The Russian Danger The first principle of Imperial policy iv this quarter of the world was the ininteuance of peace with the Khuzurs. This was the immediate consequence of the geographical position of the Khazar Empire, lying as it did between the Dnieper and the Caucasus, and thus approaching the frontiers of the two powers which were most formidable to Byzantium, the Bulgurians and the Saracens. From the seventh century, when Heraclius had sought the help of the Khazars against Persia, to the tenth, in which the power of Itil declined, this was the constant policy of the Emperors. The Byzantines and the Khazars, moreover, had a common interest in the development of coinmerce with Northern Europe ; it was to the advantage of the Empire that the. Chagan should exercise an ollective control over his barbarian neighbours, that lois influence should be filt in the basin of the Dnieper, and that

this route should be kept free for the trade of the north. It is not improbable thut attempts had been made to convert the Khazars to Christianity, for no means would have been more efficacious for securing Byzantine influence at Itil. The Chagans were not impressed by the religion of Christ; but it was at least a matter for satisfaction at Byzantium that they remained equally indifferent to the religion of Mohammad.

While the relations of Constantinople and Itil were yonerally penceful, there were, however, possibilities of war. The two powers wero neighbours in the Crime. We have seen how the sway of the Khazars extended over the Crimean Goths and the city of Bosporos or Kerch, and it was their natural ambition to extend it over the whole peninsulat, and annex Cherson. The loss of Cherson, the great commercial port and market-place in the north-east, would have been a sensiblu blow to the Empire. There were other forts in the peninsula, in the somewhat mysterious Roman territory or frontier which was known as the Klimatı or Regions." The business of defence was left entirely to the Chersonites; there was no Imperial officer or Imperial troops to repel the Khazars, who appear to have made raids from time to time. But Imperial diplomacy, in accordance with the system which lund been elaborated by Justinian, discovered another method of checking the hostilities of the Khazar's. The plan wils to cultivate the friendship of the Aluns, whose geographical position enabled them to harass the march of a Khazar army to the Criment and to make reprisuls by plundering the most fertile parts of the Khazar country. Thus in the calculations of Byzantine diplomacy the Alans stool for a check on the Khazars."

The situation at Cherson and the movements in the

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surrounding countries must have constantly engaged the attention of the Imperial governinent, but till the reign of Theophilus no important event is recorded.

This Emperor received (c. A.1). 833) an embassy from the Chugan and the Beg or chief minister of the Khuzurs, requesting him to build a fort for them close to the mouth of the Don, and perhaps this fort wils only to be the most important part of a long line of defence extending up that river and connected by a fosse with the Volga." Theophilus agreed to the Chagan's proposiil. lle entrusted the execution of the work to an oflicer of spratharo-candidate rank, Petronas Kilmateros, who sailed for Cherson with an ilmainent of ships of the Imperial tleet, where he met another contingent of vessels supplied by the Kitapillio or governor of Paphlagonia." The troops were 1'e.comburked in ships of burlen, which bore them through the Atraits of Bosporus to the spot on the lower Dou where this stronghole was to be built. As there was no stonie in the place, kilus were constructed and bricks were prepared * by embedding pebbles from the river in a sort of asbestos. The fort was called in the Khuzur tongue Surkel, or White llouse, and it was guarded by yearly relays of three hundred


When Petronas returned to Constantinople he laid a report of the situation before the Emperor and expressed his opinion that there was grave danger of losing Cherson, and that the best imeans of ensuring its silfety would be to supersede the local

I The account will be found in begint where the line of the Doll Constantine, Denm. imp. 177 $1'7. = cnded. The theory of Uspunki thut Cont. Th. 122 79. The dite seelis to Sarkel was built for the Empire, not De nous allon 1.1, 8:32; for in Cunt. for the khazil's, in tid in the reign of Th. x. 2 oul,lin. the elevation of Jolin Lro VI., c. 90.4 1.dll (propounded in tu lloc l'arricchiuto in datud; thell, the h’ierskuin Starina, May and Jung 1'. 47, piropliecies illo recorded relucivo 1889), dins found 10 miercuts: it In Jobin; thel c. 28 TW CRÓvto xporu wils answered by l'asilevski, in the ("in the following year') there is Zhurnal minte mer. prusv., Oct. 1889, wartire with the Saritaolis, and kard τον αυτόν καιρών Clie Klazar culusy 3 Petronus, on runching Cherson, arrives.

τα μεν χαλάνδια εύρεν εν Χερσώνι (be ? For the position of Sarkel, see culmin. imp. 178.). I formerly suspected Westberg, Beitrage', i. 226. lukusta süper (11.2. xv. 570), but now see that sity's that “the khazals once

it menulis found the l'uphlagonillit roinderd Choclaselves by a dich, cholawia" alrvarly there. through fear of the Magyars and other Broadov ==bssulis (later). neighbouring peoples"; see Marquart, 5 ν ώ ταξιώται καθίζονται τα κατά 2%, who unaonis that Sarkıl Wils χρόνον εναλλασσόμενοι, Ιι: «lu. Τιγν. (whered with a whole line of de 177, whero ad is clearly 11 error four ' firmers. Ilso, the forse would probably (Con. Th., iba, lunas tilla nuo 10.).

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magistrates and coinnit the authority to a militury governor.' The advice of Petronus was adopted, and he was himself appointed the first governor, with the title of " Stratêgos of the Klimatu," ? The magistrates of Cherson were not deposed, but were subordinated to the stratégos.

In attempting to discover the neaning and motives of these transuctions we must not lose sight of the close chronological connexion between the service rendered by the Greeks to the Khazars, in building Sarkel, and the institution of the stratégos of Cherson. The latter was due to the danger of losing the city, but we are not told from what quarter the city was threatened. It is cvident that the Khazars at the samo moment felt the need of defence against some new and special peril. The fortification cannot have been simply designed uninst their neighbours tho Mugyar's and the l'utzimaks; for the Mingyali's and l'atzinuks had been their neighboll's long. Wu can lirilly go wrong in supposing that the Khuzur's and the Chersonites were monncul by the silmu danger, and that its gravity had been brought home both to the Emperor and to the Khuzur ruler by some recent occurrence. The jeopardy which was imponding over the Euxine lands must be sought at Vovgorod.

It was not likely that the predatory Scandinavians would be content with the gains which they carned a peaceful merchants in the south. The riches of the Greek towns on the Euxine tempted their cupidity, and in the reign of Theophilus, il not before, they scom to have descended 118 poirates into the waters of thut sea tu huve plundered the coasts, puerlimpo venturing into tho Bosphorus,' and especially to

Shesukov, op. cil, 4.1, thinks that of St. Georye of a mistris and the life the danger unny havo liwon thu din. Se: Stephen Suro:h (Sugelnin). loyalty of thin citizens. A cortuin Vasil'orski (who has cdited the texts disloyalty is not impossible, for the in Russko-vizantiiskiin lösliclorunia, Chersoneno had bron & retingo for Vyp. 2, 1893, it work which it is many monks during the persecution impossibile to procuro) seems to havo of thio iconoclasts, and thoro may have shown that the whole legend of (ieorge prevailed a feeling biglily unfavourable of Amustris (whose Vita hu woulu to Theophilus; but there was no real ascribe to Ignatius thu deacon) was danger of Cherson inviting the rule of completo betoro A.!). 813. Svo V. another power.

Jingić in Archiv ji slurishi l'hilologie, • This was the official title (Tulle xvi. 210 5179. (1891). I'spenski, 1933).

Seo l'ilu Geory. Am. (iers. Lut., The ovidence for these early 1.8. April 23, t. iii. 278): "a l'roposte Russian hostilities, umotired by the tiile culom auspicati omnemque oram chroniclers, is to be found in the Life maritimam depusti." It should be

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