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neighbouring Slavs, even as Rurik ruled at Novgorod. Some twenty years later Rurik's son Oleg caine down and put Oskold and Dir to death, and annexed Kiev to his sway. It soon overshadowed Novgorod in importance, and becamo the capital of the Russian state. It has been doubted whether this story of the founding of Kiev is historical, but the date of the foundation, in chronological proximity to A.D. 860, is probably correct.
$ 5. The Magyars The Russian peril had proved a new bond of common interest between the Empire and the Khazars, and during the reign of Michael (before A.D. 862), as we have seen, a Greek inissionary, Constantine the Philosopher, made a vain attempt to convert them to Christianity:
About this time a displacement occurred in the Khazar Empire which was destined to lead to grave consequences not only for the countries of the Euxine but for the history of Europe. At the time of Constantine's visit to the Khazars, the home of the Magyars was still in the country between the Dnieper and the Don, for either in the Crimea itself or on his journey to Itil, which was probably by way of the Don, his party was attacked by a band of Mayyars.* A year or two later the Magyar people crossed the Dnieper.
i Pseudo-Nestor's date is A. M. 6370 the embassy of Rostislav, see above, = A.1). 862 (but events extending over P. 393); but we can limit it further a considerable time are crowiled into biy the Mingyar incident, cp. Appendix his narrative here). The chronicler Nil. The circumstance that in A.]), attributes to Oskold and Dir tho attuck 85-1-855, Bughit, the governor of on Constantinople, which he found in Armenia and Adarbiyan, settled the Chronicle of Simeon and dates to Klazars, who were inclined to Islam, A.I). 800. I am inclined to think that in Shani-kor (sce above, p. 410, n. 6), there is a certain measure of historical Ilay, as Marquart suggests (Streifzüge', truth in the l'souilu-Nestor tradition, 21), have some connexion with the if we do not press the exact dito. If religious wavering of the Chagali. Kiev was founded shortly before A.li. 860 as a settlement independent of
3 See above, p. 394 sq. Novgorod, and if the Kicy Russians • Vita Constantini,.c. 8.
The at. attacked Cple., wo can understand the tack of the Hungarians is related circumstances of the conversion. It betoru Constantino (e. 9) starts for was therulers of Kievonly who acceptail the country of the Khazary, lv which baptism, and when the paigans of Noi. he is said to have sailed by the goroil came and slew then it few years Macotis. If this order of events is later, Christianity, though we may accurate, we must suppose that the conjecture that it was not wiped out, Magyars madu an incursion into the ceased to enjoy official recognition. Crimea, and perhaps the incident
"The posterior limit is usually occurred in the territory of the Gothis. given as A.d). 863 (the latest date for Sco Appendix XII.
The illise of this migration was the advance of the Patzinaks from the Voly. We may glicos thint they wero pressul westward loy their Kanwrn neighbour's, the UzN; We arv told thint they mulo war upon the Khuzurs and were de. tented, and were therefore compelled to leave their own land and occupy that of the Magyarn.' The truth may be that they made an unsuccessful attempt to settle in Khazaria, and then turned their arms against the Magyar people, whom they drove beyond the Dnieper." The Patzinaks thus rose abovo the horizon of the Empire and introduced a new element into the political situation. They had no king; they were organized in cight tribes, with tribal chiefs, and each tribe was subdivided into five portions under subordinate leaders, When it chief died he was succeeded by a first cousin or a first consin's son; brothers and sons were excluded, so that the chieftainship should love not confined to one branch of the family."
The Magyar's now took possession of the territory lying between the Dnieper and the lower reaches of the l'ruth and the Seret La country which had hitherto belonged to the dominion of the Khans of Bulgaria. They were thus close to the Danube, but the first use they made of their new position was
I Constantine, Le and m. imp. 10. it is said to be called κατά την επωνυν. In the later movement of the μίαν τών εκείσε όντων ποταμών, which l'atzinaks to the west of the Dnieper are numerate its the Bapoux (= i in the reign of Leo V1., we are Domingoer, op. Var in Jordanes, cet. expressly told that they were driven c. 52, and Bory--thenes), the Kovßoû from their land by the Uzes and ( = Bug), the Tpoêllos (= Dniester: Khazars, ib. 164.
Turla, Tyras, op. Roesier, 151), the - Constantine says that a portion Bpoúros ( = Prutlı), and the Sipetos. of the Magy:trs joined their kinsmen, telor Elil meals riiri (and was the Suburti asphaloi in "Persia," i.e. specially applied to the Volgit--the the Sevorilik in Armenian (sce abure Itil"- --CP Constantine, il. 164.). P. 410).
Zeuss (Die Deutschen vul die Nuch. 3 l'onstantine, ib. 165. He gives bestimme, 751), kun (ticlut. Hung. the names of the ciglie geveal or Neuara, i. 189), Marquart (op. cil. 33), explain in two forms, simple and compound, hwch as bitincent (op. Hungarian ki, 6.1. Tzur und Karti-izur, Ertom and in geographical harmes like Szamosa lali.crteilla
huz); so that Atelkuzu would mean + This country was called (hy the llesopotamia. But l'estberg (L'anal. Hungarians or Patzinaks, or both) ii. 48) explains k'ocho in the Atel-kuza: Constantine, ib. 169 eis licography of Pseudo. Moses as the τόπους τους επονομαζομένους 'Ατελαούζου. Dnieper, and identifies the name with The name is explained, il. 173, as kuzu. Ho supposes that in Con. κατά την επωνυμίαν του εκείσε διερχο- stantine, 1. 109, the true reading is μένου ποταμού 'Ετέλ και Κοιζού (wliere (as on .. 173), 'Ατέλ και Kουζού, and There seems to be error in the text, that Atel and kiuzii were alternativa its 'E. Kui k., two rivers, is incon. Names (kai -- " or ") for the region of sistent with toll rotauor) ildid p. 171 tie lower Driepos.
not against Bulguria.' In A.D. 862 they showed how far they
" Iu could striku by invnding torritories in contrul Europe which ucknowledged the dominiou of Lewis the German," the first of that terrible series of invasions which were to continuo throughout it hundred yeurs, until Otto the Grent won his crushing victory ut Augsburg. If we can trust the accounts of their enemies, the Magyur's appear to have been a more terrible scourge than the Huns. It was their practice to put all mules to the sword, for they believed that warriors whom they slew would be their slaves in heaven; they put the old women to death; and dragged the young women with them, like animals, to serve their lusts." Western writers depict the Hungarians of this period as grotesquely ugly, but, on the other hand, Arabic author's describe them as handsome. We may reconcile the contradiction by the assumption that there were two typus, the consequence of blending with other races.
, The original Finnish physiognomy had been modified by mixture with Iranian races in the course of many generations, during which the Magyars, in the Caucasian regions, had pursued their practice of women-listing.'
Up to the time of their migration the Magyars, like the l'atzinaks, had no common chieftain, but among the leaders of their seven tribesone seems to have had a certain preeminence. His name was Lebedias," and he had married a noble Khazar lady, by whom he had no children. Soon after the crossing of the Dnieper, the Chagan of the Khazars, who still claimed the rights of suzerainty over them, proposed to the Nlagyars to create Lebedias ruler over the whole people. The story is that Lebedias met the Chagan—but we must interpret this to mean the Bey—it Kalancha in the gulf of l'erekop, and refused the offer for himself, but suggested
| Their attack on the Slavs of Kiev calinot be dated. Pseudo · Nestor, xix., p. 12; Marquart, op. cit. 34.
? cinn. Bert. (İlinemar), s.a. “sed et hostes antea illis populis inesperti qui Ungri vocantur regnum eiusdem populantur.
C. lun. Sanyall., s.a. 891 (M.G.1l. Scr. I.).
* This hypothesis is Marquart's, op. cil. 144.
o Constantine (op. cit. 172) gives the lines of ilio tribes : Neke,
Magerê (= Magyar !), Kurtyarmittu,
& Kuun (op. cit. i. 205, 208) thinks that Lebedias is identical with Eleud of the Notary of king Belu. His title was, no doubt, Krule, see Ibn Rusta, 167.
? Constantine, op. cit. 169 Toll apos αυτόν αποσταληναι Χελάνδια τον πρώτον αυτών βοεβοδον. Banduri saw that Xelávdia was it proper name, and ris has probalily tallen out of the text. See kuun, i. 208, Marynart, 35.
Salmutzes, another tribal chief, or his son Arpad. The Magyars declared in favour of Arpad, and he was elevated on il shield, according to the custom of the Khazurs, and recognized as king. In this way the Khazars instituted kingship among the Magyars. But while this account may be true so far as it goes, it furnishes no reason for such an inportant innovation, and it is difficult to see why the Khazar yovernment should have taken the initiative. We shall probably be right in connecting the change with another fact, which lud i decisive influence on Magyar history. Ainong the Turks who composed the Khazar people, there was a tribeor tribes-known as the Kaburs, who were remarkable for their strength and bravery. About this time they rose against the Chagan; the revolt was crushed; and those who escaped death tied across the Dnieper and were received and adopted by the Magyars, to whose seven tribes they were iddled as an eighth. Their bravery and skill in war enabled them to take it leading part in the counsels of the nation. We are told that they taught the Magyars the Turkish langiinge, and in the tenth century both Magyar and Turkish were spoken in Hungary. The result of this double tongue is
.” the mixed charter of the modern llungarian language, which has supplied spacious argument for the two opposite opinions its to the ethnical attinities of the Magyars. We may suspect thit the iilen of introducing kinyship was due to the Kabuurs, and it has even been conjectured that Arpad belonged to this Turkish people which was now perinanently incorporated in the llungarin nation.'
! Almus in the Hungurian (bron: subject throughout, and consequently icles. On Arpad's diete', see Appendix τον Λιούντινα τον υιόν του 'Αρπάδη είχαν XII.
dpxorta means that Levente, Arpael's ? Constantine, m.oil. 171-172. Vüm. 8011, Was ruler of the Kaliars. I'mun borry, it magyarok croato, 110, «xplains not accept this strict interpretation of the name Kabar as "insurgent. the grammar. I feel wire that the :) See above, p. 410, 11. .
Allject of the verb: (διε πέρασαν, είχον, • Marquart innkris this insertion etc.) is not the hicbirs, but the (op. vil. 62), bring it on the passage Hungarians (ol Toûpkou), who incluido il constantino (op. cit. 172,62),
the hibury. Levento WAN &pxww of where, loro oliser vos, oi kusapoi in the the Hungarians.
ART, LEARNING, AND EDUCATION IN THE AMORIAN PERIOD
THROUGHOUT the Middle Ages, till its collapse at the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Eastern Roman Empire was superior to all the states of Europe in the efficiency of its civil and military organization, in systematic diplomacy, in wealth, in the refinements of material civilization, and in intellectual culture. It was the heir of antiquity, and it prized its inheritance-its political legacy from Rome, and its spiritual legacy from Hellus. These traditions, no less than the tradition of the Church, which was valued most of all, may be said to have weighed with crushing force upon the Byzantine world; conservatism was the leading note of the Byzantine spirit. Yet though the political and social fabric always restel on the same foundations, and though the unthority of tradition was unusually strong and persistent, the proverbial conservatism of Byzantium is commonly exaggerated or misinterpreted. The great mpheaval of society in the seventh century, due to the successive shocks of perilous crises which threatened the state with extinction, had led to a complete reform of the military organization, to the creation of a nuvy, to extensive imovations in the machinery of the civil and financial government, to important changes in the conditions of the agricultural populution and land-tenure; and it is a mutter of 110 small difficulty to trace the organization of the cighth and ninth centuries from that of the age of Justinian. But even after this thoroughgoing transformation, the process of change did not lult. The Emperors were contimilly muljusting in londjusting the mulinery of government to riitisty new needs and meet changing circum