LXIX. 1. CHAP. and on that vindictive spirit, which showed itself in the employment of German troops, whose arrival was 1776. hourly expected, to compel the colonists to unconJuly ditional submission. He concluded by urging the present time as the most suitable for resolving on independence, inasmuch as it had become the first wish and the last instruction of the communities they represented. Dickinson of Pennsylvania rose not so much to reply, as to justify himself before congress. He took pride in being the ardent assertor of freedom; and was conscious that his writings had won him a great name. Accustomed to lead, he loved to be recognized as the guide. Now for the first time in his life his excessively sensitive nature was writhing under the agonies of wounded self-love. For one year he had been at variance with John Adams, and during all that time had till recently triumphed over him or kept him at bay; congress had loved to employ his pen, and had been only too ready to follow his counsel; yet at last he had been baffled even in his own province. He had seen the proprietary government go to its long sleep in the house of its friends; he had seen a delegate from Delaware bring before congress from the Pennsylvania conference instructions in favor of independence, which he did not mean to regard; and he had prepared himself with the utmost care to vindicate his opinions, which he would have held it guilt to suppress. It is from the report made by himself, that I abridge his elaborate discourse, using no words but his own: "I value the love of my country as I ought, but I value my country more, and I desire this illustrious LXIX. assembly to witness the integrity, if not the policy CHAP. of my conduct. The first campaign will be decisive of the controversy. The declaration will not strengthen 1776. July us by one man, or by the least supply, while it may 1. expose our soldiers to additional cruelties and outrages. Without some prelusory trials of our strength we ought not to commit our country upon an alternative, where to recede would be infamy, and to persist might be destruction. "No instance is recollected of a people without a battle fought, or an ally gained, abrogating forever their connection with a warlike commercial empire. It might unite the different parties in Great Britain against us, and it might create disunion among ourselves. "With other powers it would rather injure than avail us. Foreign aid will not be obtained but by our actions in the field, which are the only evidences of our union and vigor that will be respected. In the war between the United Provinces and Spain, France and England assisted the provinces before they declared themselves independent; if it is the interest of any European kingdom to aid us, we shall be aided without such a declaration; if it is not, we shall not be aided with it. Before such an irrevocable step shall be taken, we ought to know the disposition of the great powers; and how far they will permit any one or more of them to interfere. The erection of an independent empire on this continent is a phenomenon in the world; its effects will be immense, and may vibrate round the globe. How they may affect, or be supposed to affect old establishments, is not ascertained. It is singularly disrespectful to France, LXIX. July CHAP. to make the declaration before her sense is known; as we have sent an agent expressly to inquire whether 1776. such a declaration would be acceptable to her, and 1. we have reason to believe he is now arrived at the court of Versailles. The measure ought to be delayed, till the common interests shall in the best manner be consulted by common consent. Besides, the door to accommodation with Great Britain ought not to be shut, until we know what terms can be obtained from some competent power. Thus to break with her before we have compacted with another, is to make experiments on the lives and liberties of my countrymen, which I would sooner die than agree to make; at best it is to throw us into the hands of some other power and to lie at mercy, for we shall have passed the river that is never to be repassed. We ought to retain the declaration and remain masters of our own fame and fate. We ought to inform that power, that we are filled with a just detestation of our oppressors; that we are determined to cast off forever all subjection to them, to declare ourselves independent, and to support that declaration with our lives and fortunes, provided that power will approve the proceeding, acknowledge our independence, and enter into a treaty with us upon equitable and advantageous conditions. "Other objections to the declaration at this time are suggested by our internal circumstances. The formation of our governments, and an agreement upon the terms of our confederation, ought to precede the assumption of our station among sovereigns. A sovereignty composed of several distinct bodies of men, not subject to established constitutions, and not combined together by confirmed articles of union, is such LXIX. a sovereignty as has never appeared. These particu- CHAP. lars would not be unobserved by foreign kingdoms and states, and they will wait for other proofs of po- 17 litical energy, before they will treat us with the desired attention. "With respect to ourselves, the consideration is still more serious. The forming of our governments is a new and difficult work. When this is done and the people perceive, that they and their posterity are to live under well regulated constitutions, they will be encouraged to look forward to independence, as completing the noble system of their political happiness. The objects nearest to them are now enveloped in clouds, and those more distant appear confused; the relation one citizen is to bear to another, and the connection one state is to have with another, they do not, cannot know. Mankind are naturally attached to plans of government that promise quiet and security. General satisfaction with them, when formed, would indeed be a great point attained; but persons of reflection will perhaps think it absolutely necessary, that congress should institute some mode for preserving them from future discords. "The confederation ought to be settled before the declaration of independence. Foreigners will think it most regular; the weaker states will not be in so much danger of having disadvantageous terms imposed upon them by the stronger. If the declaration is first made, political necessities may urge on the acceptance of conditions, highly disagreeable to parts of the Union. The present comparative circumstances of the colonies are now tolerably well understood; but some have very extraordinary claims to territory, 1776. July 1. CHAP. that if admitted, as they might be in a future confedLXIX. eration, the terms of it not being yet adjusted, all 1776. idea of the present comparison between them would 1. be confounded. Those whose boundaries are acknow July ledged would sink in proportion to the elevation of their neighbors. Besides; the unlocated lands, not comprehended within acknowledged boundaries, are deemed a fund sufficient to defray a vast part, if not the whole of the expenses of the war. These ought to be considered as the property of all, acquired by the arms of all. For these reasons the boundaries of the colonies ought to be fixed before the declaration, and their respective rights mutually guarantied; and the unlocated lands ought also, previous to that declaration, to be solemnly appropriated to the benefit of all, for it may be extremely difficult, if not impracticable, to obtain these decisions afterwards. Upon the whole, when things shall be thus deliberately rendered firm at home, and favorable abroad, then let America, 'Attollens humeris famam et fata nepotum,' bearing up her glory and the destiny of her descendants, advance with majestic steps and assume her station among the sovereigns of the world." Wilson of Pennsylvania could no longer agree with his colleague. He had at an early day foreseen independence as the probable, though not the intended result of the contest; he had uniformly declared in his place, that he never would vote for it contrary to his instructions, nay, that he regarded it as something more than presumption to take a step of such importance without express instructions and authority. "For," said he, "ought this act to be the act of four or five individuals, or should it be the act of the people |