news of Legg's success had reached Charles, Digby would have started for Holland' and Denmark to secure assistance, and especially to hire Danish soldiers to land at Hull.2 Charles, however, could not count on secrecy amongst his most intimate followers. The King's plans were no doubt betrayed to Pyin even before they were put in execution. Orders were therefore given by Parliament to Sir John Hotham to secure Hull by means of the Yorkshire trained bands, and not to deliver it up till he was ordered to do so by the King's authority, signified unto him by the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament.' In a few minutes Hotham's son, who was himself a member of Parliament, was speeding down the North road, even before Legg had started on his errand.3

Hotham ordered by the Houses to occupy Hull.

In the face of such danger there was no lack of unanimity

6 16

1 We learn from La Ferté's despatch of Jan. that Heenvliet was

negotiating for Charles's mediation to bring about a truce between Spain and the States, and that there was to be money paid by the Prince of Orange. La Ferté warned the Parliamentary leaders of this, so that they knew that Charles was seeking aid abroad.

2 Digby's proceedings will be related in their proper place. As, however, he did not go to Denmark, and all that has been hitherto known on the subject has been drawn from the suspicions of the Parliamentarians, it is as well to quote here the following extract: "Le Roy ne voyan espérance d'autre secours, despechoit le mylord Digbie au Roy de Dennemarque, pour en avoir de luy, et en intention d'assurer la descente des Danois le Roy donnoit ordre au Comte de Newcastel de s'en aller à Hul, port de mer vers Dennemarque : "--Forster to Chavigny, Feb. 2 Arch. des Aff. Étr. xlix. fol. 27. Forster was a Catholic, and gave reports to the French Government of news from England. If, as I believe, that news reached him from persons about the Queen's Court, his intelligence would be decisive on such a point.

13

That Hotham started first may be gathered from Giustinian's statement that the command was given to Newcastle on account of the King's knowledge of the order to Hotham, and from the fact known from a letter from the Mayor of Hull (L. 7. iv. 526) that Hotham arrived before Legg; but, as Forster's evidence points to a substantive plan for the occupa tion of Hull by the King, I think it may be gathered that Hotham was sent off on account of intelligence received at Westminster of the King's intention.

between the two Houses. Both Lords and Commons con curred in accepting a guard of the City trained bands under Skippon's command, rather than a

Unanimity of the

Houses. guard of the same trained bands selected by the

Lord Mayor, and placed under the orders of the Earl of Lindsey, as the King now proposed. Both Lords and Commons concurred in passing rapidly through all its stages a Bill enabling Parliament to adjourn itself to any place it would; in other words, enabling it to sit at Guildhall instead of sitting at Westminster. On one point alone did the Lords show any scruples. They objected to join in addressing to the King a demand that Conyers might supersede Byron as Lieutenant of the Tower. They were ready to join in all necessary measures of defence, but they were not inclined to wrest from the King that executive authority which the Commons thought could no longer safely be left in his hands.

Already evidence had been given that Pym could count on support elsewhere than in the City. Four or five thousand The Buck- gentlemen and freeholders of Buckinghamshire had inghamshire ridden up with petitions to the Houses which were petition. but the echo of the Grand Remonstrance. Hampden's constituents declared that they were ready to live and die in defence of the privileges of Parliament.1

Jan. 12. Digby and Lunsford at Kingston.

Each hour as it passed brought news of thickening dangers. On the morning of the 12th it was known that Lunsford and his Cavaliers had been gathering at Kingston, and that Digby had come over from Hampton Court to concert measures with them. As the magazine of the county of Surrey was at Kingston, the obvious interpretation of the proceeding was that the Cavaliers intended to seize the store of arms, and to gather a force which would enable the King to betake himself to Portsmouth. The Commons proposed to parry the danger by ordering the sheriffs of the neighbouring counties to call out the trained bands for the suppression of such assemblies, as contrary to law. At the same time, the Peers summoned Byron before them to give

1 C. J. ii. 369. L. F. iv. 504.

Byron summoned before the Lords.

account of the recent attempt to strengthen the garrison of the Tower. Byron, however, refused to leave the fortress without an order from the King. Various rumours of plots to murder the popular lords were also afloat, and received more attention than would have been accorded them in quieter times.1

Jan. 13. Windsor.

The tidings of the next day did much to carry conviction to all that a struggle was imminent. Charles had removed to Windsor. He had taken time to consider the Bill The King at allowing Parliament to adjourn itself, and had announced that, as the legality of his impeachment of the accused members had been disputed, he would now abandon it, and 'all doubts by this means being settled,' he would proceed against them in an unquestionable way.' The an

He will have the members tried in another way.

nouncement that the prosecution was not to be abandoned caused the greatest irritation. Fresh news came in of Lunsford's armed men and their supposed design upon Portsmouth. What had happened at Hull no one could yet tell. Already that morning the Lords had pointed to the necessity of doing more than call out the trained bands of the counties round Kingston and Windsor. They thought that the order should be made general for all England.' The first proposal of a new Militia Bill had thus The counties come from the Peers.2 The Commons were not to be invited slow to take the hint. They drew up a declaration, themselves. to be sent to all the counties, inviting them 'to put themselves in a position of defence '-in other words, to call out the trained bands for their own security.

to defend

The declaration in which this invitation was contained threw the blame of all that had occurred on the Papists.' There was, it was firmly believed, a vast Catholic conspiracy,

1 C. 7. ii. 372.

L. J. iv. 507.

C. F. ii. 375. Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange,

2 L. F. iv. 510. June 14, Groen van Prinsterer, sér. 2, iv. 1. This Militia Bill must not be 24' confounded with the one which had been brought in before Christmas to appoint a general with arbitrary powers, and which was probably only intended to frighten the Lords into passing the Impressment Bill.

tion of the Commons for the defence of the country.

threatening dangers of which the outbreak in Ireland was but the premonitory symptom, and of which the attack on the The declara- members was the commencement in England. Not only had Parliament been defied and its privileges broken, but agreements had been made with foreign princes for the introduction of foreign troops into the country, and arms had been collected with a view to a rising at home. Therefore it was necessary that the country should stand on its guard. Magistrates must see that the county magazines were well furnished. Strong watches were to be placed to prevent surprise, and no soldiers were to be levied, or arms and ammunition collected, nor any castles, forts, or magazines delivered up without his Majesty's authority, signified by both Houses of Parliament.'

Jan. 14. The Lords concur in the

but object to its form.

In the policy of this declaration the Lords concurred entirely. With the consent of the Lower House they issued a general order to the sheriffs, enjoining upon them the duty of suppressing unlawful assemblies and sepolicy of the curing the magazines, though they prudently objected declaration, to irritate the King needlessly by the narrative of his past misconduct.' Afterwards, upon hearing that the The Prince King had taken the Prince out of the hands of his governor, the Marquis of Hertford, they directed Hertford to resume his charge, and requested the King not to permit the Prince to be taken out of the kingdom.2 It was impossible to disconnect the removal of the Prince with the evident desire of the Court to secure Portsmouth. A

not to leave

the kingdom.

The King aims at Portsmouth.

gentleman from Windsor informed the Commons that a waggon laden with ammunition had gone down to Windsor, and that another waggon similarly laden had started from Windsor to Farnham. In Windsor there were about 400 horse and 40 officers. A messenger had been despatched to Portsmouth.3 It was doubtless jewels with known in London that the King had carried with him those magnificent crown jewels on which Buckingham had once attempted to raise money in Holland, and that

The Crown

the King.

1 C. J. ii. 377.

2 L. 7. iv. 512-514.

8 C. F. ii. 379

if a seaport could be secured he would not be without the means of tempting foreign mercenaries to his help.1

Pym's proposal.

Up to that morning hopes of an accommodation may possibly still have been entertained. Pym, at least, can hardly now have expected it any more. He declared that the King must be plainly told that these armed gatherings were against the law. In the Commons it was freely said that it would be necessary to inquire who had advised him to impeach the members. A committee was appointed to place the kingdom in a posture of defence more thoroughly than by the action of the individual sheriffs The command of the militia was ultimately in the Lords-Lieutenants, and the Lords-Lieutenants had been appointed by the King. On the 15th the Committee recommended that the members for each county, and for the boroughs conLieutenants tained in it, should nominate a person to be appointed appointed by as its Lord-Lieutenant in the room of the King's Parliament. nominee. On the same day the peers were again asked to join in requesting that Conyers might be substituted for Byron at the Tower.2

Jan. 15. The Commons re

commend that the Lords

shall be

The Lords were not ready to wrest the whole executive authority from Charles's hands. Before long it was known that the King had asked Heenvliet to attempt to bring Jan. 17. Mediation of about an accommodation. On the 17th Heenvliet was Heenvliet. at Windsor, and on the following morning he had an interview with Charles. Charles showed no appreciation of his Jan. 18. real position. He chatted about Holland's ingratitude, and said that the Bishops' Exclusion Bill had been introduced in order to diminish the Royal power. Heenvliet, apparently weary of this babble, asked what

His inter

view with Charles;

The connection between the Prince's removal and the intention of going to Portsmouth is clearly put in the following: "Hora stimano alcuni che in questo tempo il Rè possa esser vicino a Posmur, havendo condotto seco la Regina, il Principe e la Principessa, et anco portato le Jan. 30 gioie."-Rossetti to Barberini, R. O. Transcripts. Feb. 9'

2 C. F. ii. 379, 380. Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan

Groen van Prinsterer, sér. 2, iv. I.

14.

24