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which had driven him at last into opposition. He lay under the imputation of cowardice, as well as of vanity and greed. "I am in such a great rage with the Parliament as nothing will pacify me," wrote a lady in the North, on a false rumour that Holland had been appointed General of the Parliamentary forces, “for they promised as all should be well if my Lord Strafford's head were off, and since then there is nothing better. We hear strange news from London, which is that many have offered to keep horses for the Parliament to fight against their King, and that my Lord of Holland is general, which puts me in the most comfort that we shall have peace, for he hath had good fortune not to fight hitherto. I hope he will prove lucky still." The longing for peace was great indeed in every part of England. "Oh, that the sweet Parliament," the same lady had written in May, "would come with the olivebranch in its mouth, it would refresh and glad all our hearts here in the North. We are like so many frighted people. For my part if I hear but a door creak, I take it to be a drum, and am ready to run out of that little valour I have." In the South the desire for peace was no less, though the blame was thrown elsewhere. "The Queen," wrote Lady Sussex from Gorhambury, "is pleased if she have so many favourites with her. I doubt we shall all fare the worse for it. So many heads together will be busy in their plots against us. God's power is above all, who I hope in mercy will yet keep us from the miseries we may expect.”

July 19. The King's

answer to

the petition

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Holland, unfortunately, was not likely to reap benefit from the pacific sentiments of his countrymen. Under no circumstances would Charles have been likely to return a soft answer to his message, and he may have been provoked by the sight of the messenger to impart a sterner tone to his reply. The terms which he demanded were the dismissal of the Parliamentary troops, the surrender of Hull and the fleet, the disavowal of any power to make laws without his consent, and the adjournment of Parliament to some place outside London. When all

for an accommodation.

Margaret Eure to Sir R. Verney, June 20 (?). Lady Sussex to Sir R. Veney, July 3 (?), Verney MSS.

this had been done he would discharge his own troops, and discuss all differences in a Parliamentary way.'

The time for such manifestoes was rapidly drawing to a close. Already, on the 15th, the first blood of the English Civil War had been shed at Manchester. As the

July 15. The first blood shed at

townsmen were engaged in carrying the Militia Manchester. Ordinance into effect, Lord Strange, the heir of the Earl of Derby, a man of sustained loyalty and high courage, rode in amongst them at the head of a band of armed troopers. The townsmen were too weak to stand against his charge, and Richard Perceval, one of a number who were wounded in the struggle, died a few days afterwards of the injuries that he had received.2

July 17. Charles's movements,

Once more Charles tried the effect of his presence before Hull. This time the garrison sallied out, and the King's troops retreated before their assailants, not without loss. Charles then proceeded to Leicester, where he arrived on the 22nd. Town and county alike refused to July 22. assist him, and his demand for the surrender of the county magazine was made in vain. He was forced to a compromise, by which the arms were dispersed amongst July 24. the inhabitants of the county, who were not likely to use them in his favour. Yet he was not without some gleams of hope. Though the freeholders were against him, some of the gentry took his side. Much to his delight, too, he secured the person of Bastwick, now a captain of the Leicester trained bands, and sent him off a prisoner to York.3

The actual number of troops at Charles's disposal was not

1 L. J. v. 235.

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2 D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 293 b (E. 108). A very true... relation of the passages at Manchester, Rushworth, iv. 680. This last is a very different account from that given by D'Ewes. In it all the blame is thrown on the townsmen. It is sometimes said that men were killed at Hull before this, but as the sally from Hull is mentioned in Ju'v 26 Salvetti's letter of it, no doubt, took place later. Aug. ད་ Nichols, Hist. of Leicestershire, iii. App. 28.

Truths from Leicester and Nottingham (669, fol. 6). Nicholas to Roe, July 27, S. P. Dom. 1. J. v. 283. Forster to Chavigny, Aug. 4, Arch. des Aff. Étr. xlix, fol.

141

14

for war.

Aug. 2. Parliamentary reasons for taking up arms.

great. Yet it was evident that in the North and West the bulk Preparations of the country gentlemen were disposed to rally to his cause, and the Parliamentary leaders felt that the time was come to provide against imminent danger. Already plate and money were being brought in large quanJuly 30. tities. On July 30, Parliament resolved to borrow 100,000l., which had been set aside for the Irish war.1 On August 2, the Houses issued a declaration of their reasons for taking up arms. The strength of their case lay in their retrospect of Charles's past government, and of his plots and intrigues since Parliament Answer to had met. the charge Its weakness lay in their answer to the that Parliacharge that they were themselves setting up an arment is setting up bitrary government, and were interpreting the law at an arbitrary government. their pleasure. Instead of replying that the necessity which had thrown on them the burden of government was none of their creating, they met the accusation with a direct denial. No rational man, they urged, would believe it to be true, 'it being impossible so many several persons as the two Houses of Parliament consist of—and either House of equal powershould all of them, or at least the major part, agree in acts of will and tyranny which make up an arbitrary government, and most improbable that the nobility and gentry of this kingdom should conspire to take away the law, by which they enjoy their estates, are protected from any act of violence and power, and differenced from the meaner sort of people, with whom other wise they would be but fellow servants.' 2

It was a most inadequate defence. No unprejudiced person can go through the records of the Long Parliament without How far was noticing countless occasions on which the temper it successful? and prejudices of the Commons were cast into the balance of justice. A Puritan clergyman and Laudian clergyman received very different measures at their hands. Arguments which would never have been listened to, if adduced against their own supporters, were accepted as unanswerable against a Royalist. It was not that the Long Parliament was especially arbitrary or tyrannical. It acted but as every large 2 L. 7. v. 258.

Rushworth, iv. 778.

body of men is certain to act, when it is called upon to fulfil judicial functions in political cases. Yet, after all, the Long Parliament, objectionable as many of its proceedings were, had fallen far short of the tyranny of the Star Chamber. It had deprived many clergymen of their benefices who were fitted to hold them, and had committed to prison many persons who had done no more than their duty according to their understanding. But it cut off no ears, and it inflicted no scourgings. Its imprisonments were usually short. Bristol and the Attorney-General and the impeached bishops had been set at large again after a few days, or at most weeks, of confinement. . The remedy for the evil lay not in the substitution of an irresponsible King for an irresponsible Parliament, but partly in the establishment of that responsible ministry which Pym had sketched out; partly, too, in securing that responsibility of Parliament to the nation, through perfect freedom of speech and writing, which Pym did not think of proposing, and which amidst the clash of opposing forces he could hardly, even if he had thought of it, have ventured to propose.

mouth for

the King.

Northamp

ton in

Warwick

shire.

In the beginning of August bad news poured in from all sides to Westminster. Goring had discovered that he had no Goring place in Puritan society, and sought reconciliation seizes Ports with the King, whom he had betrayed in 1641, by betraying Parliament in 1642. He now held the important fortress of Portsmouth for the King. In Warwickshire the Earl of Northampton was strong enough to stop some guns sent by Parliament to Lord Brooke for the defence of Warwick Castle. Hertford, appointed by the King to command in the West, had Hertford in put himself at the head of a force raised by some of the gentry of Somerset. The Royalists were in high spirits. They reported that the Parliamentary army was weaker than it appeared, and that when it came to fighting many of the newly levied soldiers would desert rather than stand up against the King.

Aug. 3.

Somerset

shire.

Better news reached Westminster ere long. In Shrewsbury the Parliamentary party had gained the upper hand. In Somerset the yeomen and manufacturers bore no good-will

towards the gentry. Under the guidance of the Puritan gentlemen of the county, they mustered in such numbers as to make Hertford's position at Wells hopeless, though he was allowed. to withdraw unmolested to Sherborne where he took up his quarters with about 900 men.1

Aug. 9. The Com

mons swear to live and die with Essex.

On August 9 the King proclaimed Essex and his officers traitors, though he offered a free pardon to all who should within six days throw down their arms. The Commons retaliated by calling upon every one of their members to swear that they would live and die with Essex. On the 12th the Lords pronounced sentence on Gurney, directing him to be imprisoned during the pleasure of the House, and depriving him of the mayoralty which had enabled him to do good service for the King. The Royalist Recorder, Sir Thomas Gardiner, had been already impeached.

Civil war was thus virtually begun. One unlucky member, when called on to take the oath to live and die with Essex, asked for a little time to consider his answer. He was told that it must be given at once. Plucking up courage, he refused to give the promise, but was so soundly rated by the Speaker, that he offered in his fright to answer with an Aye. He was told that his Aye would not be accepted now. Warned by the example, the few traitors. Royalist members who were still left in the House gave the promise required.2 On the 18th a declaration was issued by the Houses denouncing as traitors all who gave assistance to the King.3

Aug. 18. Those who assist the King declared

Every effort was made on the part of the Parliamentary leaders to carry on the war with energy.

Action of the Parliamentarians.

Directions

had already been given to lay siege to Goring in Portsmouth, and to Hertford in Sherborne. Brooke

had established himself in Warwick Castle, and had beaten off

Aug. 8'

1 L. J. v. 278. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiv. fol. 159. Claren July 29 don, vi. 3. Giustinian to the Doge, Aug. Venice Transcripts, R. O. A broadside gives the numbers of the men who appeared against Hertford as 15,000. A. Prowse to, Aug. 8 (669, fol. 6).

2 Rushworth, iv. 780. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiv. fol. 261 b. • L. F. v. 303.

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