to resign, not on account of any differences of principle between him and the Radical majority, but because the Minister of Finance had introduced several items in the Budget for increasing the salaries of the higher State functionaries which the Chamber, composed mostly of peasants, considered exorbitant. M. Pasitch was formerly an associate of Russian Nihilists, but during the previous year he had made his peace with the Czar, and he was now regarded as the chief representative of Russian influence in Servia against that of Austria. This was probably the real reason for the change of Ministry, as Dr. Vuitch, the Minister of Finance, whose Budget had been the ostensible cause of the fall of the Gruitch Cabinet, retained his post under M. Pasitch.

Roumania, too, had its Ministerial crises. On March 5 a new Conservative Cabinet was formed under General Floresco, but it had scarcely declared its policy in the Chamber of Deputies when a vote of censure was passed against it by a majority of 77 to 69. The Chamber was then dissolved, and in the elections which followed the Ministry obtained a large majority. This, however, is the usual result of a General Election in Roumania, as all Ministries, whether Liberal or Conservative, do not scruple to use every possible means of bringing up electors to vote for the Ministerial candidates. This system of coercion, however, cannot be used towards a candidate once he is elected, and personal considerations play so important a part in Roumanian politics that a Ministerialist member, after voting with his party for the first few months, often goes over to the Opposition when he finds that his expectations of Ministerial favours have not been realised. The Floresco Ministry lasted from April to December, when it broke up through the secession of M. Vernesco. On December 9 a new Cabinet was formed under M. Catargi, but it was beaten in the Chamber on December 21 by a majority of 78 to 74. M. Catargi then made overtures to M. Carp, the leader of the Yunimists, or Young Conservatives, who agreed to join the Ministry on the condition that the Chamber should be dissolved, and that M. Catargi should accept the Yunimist programme of administrative reform (see "Annual Register," 1888, page 305). The year ended with preparations for a General Election.

The death, on May 16, of John Bratiano, Roumania's greatest statesman, plunged the whole country into mourning. He was Prime Minister from 1876 until April 1881, a period covering the Russo-Turkish war, in which the Roumanians fought side by side with the Russians before Plevna, and which resulted in the proclamation of the independence of Roumania from the rule of the Sultan, and, finally, in the establishment of the Principality as a kingdom. In April 1881 M. Bratiano was replaced for a short time in the Premiership by his brother, M. Demeter Bratiano, but in June of that year he again became head of the

Cabinet, and maintained his position until 1888, when he was compelled to resign in consequence of a riotous outbreak at Bucharest, which was only suppressed after much bloodshed. When he left office he had been in power practically for twelve years. Since that time, owing to the divisions in the Liberal party and other causes, M. Bratiano had gradually withdrawn himself from political life.

On May 22 was the twenty-fifth anniversary of the arrival of the then Prince Charles of Hohenzollern, now King of Roumania, in Bucharest. A month previously (on April 20, 1886) he had been chosen by a plébiscite to ascend the throne of the united Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. The election of the Hohenzollern Prince was a surprise to all Europe, with the exception of Napoleon III., who had objected to the previously successful candidate for the vacant throne, the Count of Flanders, as he was son of a Princess of the House of Orleans. For this reason the French Emperor had privately suggested to the late John Bratiano the young Hohenzollern Prince, then a lieutenant in the 2nd Prussian Regiment of Dragoon Guards, as a more suitable candidate. The consent of King William of Prussia to this candidature was easily obtained, but Prince Bismarck disliked the whole affair, and for many years afterwards the German secundogeniture on the Lower Danube was a source of anxiety to the ex-Chancellor, who thought it might some day involve Prussia in difficulties.

The election of the Prince occurred on the eve of the AustroPrussian war, and was so unwelcome to the Vienna Cabinet that he had to find his way to his future capital incognito, travelling under the name of "Herr Lehmann, merchant," and subsequently assumed the disguise of a ship's cook, on proceeding by the Austrian steamer down the river to Turn Severin, where he first touched Roumanian soil on May 20, 1866. He found the country rent by political factions, and filled with revolutionary and Republican ideas. The upper classes were corrupt, the lower ignorant, the finances in a hopeless state, and the army worthless. Russian agitation was predominant, and the Prince, in order to secure his recognition by the Suzerain Power, had to go to Constantinople.

The Roumanians, in celebrating the anniversary, showed their gratitude for the immense services which this hard-working German Prince, who is a model of patience, perseverance, and foresight, had rendered to his adopted country within the past quarter of a century. In spite of the violence of parties, including Republican factions, the throne of Roumania has been secured, and the proclamation of the King's nephew, Prince Ferdinand of Hohenzollern, as heir to the throne, has been accepted by the country with the greatest enthusiasm, so that the continuance of the dynasty rests on a solid basis. The army, created anew by Prince Charles, was able at Plevna to save Russia from otherwise

certain disaster, and has been filled with self-confidence which promises well in the event of any future struggle against Russian aggression.

During the day a continuous stream of deputations presented addresses to the King, and in the afternoon some 2,000 village mayors assembled at the Athenæum, all wearing the brilliant national costume, with scarves, to hear an address delivered by M. Ionesco, one of the first among living Roumanian orators. In his speech he gave a sketch of the recent history of Roumania, and, among other things, he mentioned the following striking figures:

"Twenty-five years ago," he said, "there was not a mile of railway in all Roumania. Now there are 3,000 kilomètres. In 1866 the commercial rate of interest was as high as 11 per cent. Now it is 4 per cent. In 1866 the value of the exports was only 110 million francs. Now it is 274 millions. The total value of the commerce at the former date was only 181 millions. Now it is nearly 700 millions. Again, in 1866 the Budget was 55 millions, now it is 165 millions. In 1866 a 5 per cent. loan was issued at 65, now it is above par. In 1866 Roumania had no school of medicine, nor of engineering, nor even a bank." The orator further enlarged on the immense progress the country has made in the years of King Charles's reign, and concluded with the hope that the next quarter of a century might show a proportionate advance.

The Hohenzollern origin of the King naturally facilitated his relations with the German and Austrian Courts, though the Russian proclivities of many of his subjects prevented him from joining the Triple Alliance. In October he visited Berlin, and was received by the Emperor with demonstrative cordiality. One of the objects of this visit was stated to be to find a suitable bride for the heir-apparent to the Roumanian throne, whose desire to marry Mlle. Vernesco, maid of honour to the Queen, had been thwarted by the King and the Ministry. But the Emperor was doubtless glad to use the occasion for showing to Europe that among those who will assist him in repelling Russian aggression in the East may be reckoned the little State which lies on the road from Russia to Constantinople, and which, in proportion to its population and resources, has the best and largest army in Europe, and is expending vast sums in rendering impossible a forcible occupation of her territory by Russian troops.

A TRAGICAL and pai Without any warning, and danger, the country, vi elder son of the Cou crown, had been carried

the age of 21. This meme country, for over and befor him universally beloved. F degree the great and would be his lot to perio the whole of his too sh preparing himself thor task. By his death the the second son of the presence of this nationa silenced, from all side wet for a loss of which the many dangers to the

The hopes to which t (see "Annual Register of the revision of the C mised reform of Artic receive a solution during and more clear that the the people realised that r electoral body so smal vote, the Chamber of consideration a resort. concerning the revisio Liberals had suppor social necessity; on ti there was less unani others simply in order hoping that further a large number, unge tile to the proposed : to force the Liberai well known that ti necessity of a revi-.been put forward i by the dissension project to be fina Nevertheless

A

step having been taken by the Chambers, it was followed by others, and at length a Commission, composed of members of the Chamber belonging to both parties, was chosen to discuss the revision of the Constitution. Various proposals were put forward; one was for the adoption of universal suffrage; another, by M. Frère-Orban, recommended a large extension of that statesman's former plan of giving electoral rights to all citizens whose instruction had attained a certain standard; the Prime Minister, M. Beernaert, proposed to combine M. Frère-Orban's plan with the principle of householding; and lastly, another plan was based exclusively upon this latter principle.

These various points were discussed at great length, and it was not until a formidable strike had broken out, and that the situation thus created had become menacing, that the Commission, recognising the strength of public opinion out of doors, and in order to give satisfaction to the loudly expressed claims of the working men's party, were induced to bring their debates to a definite conclusion, and then unanimously resolved to report in favour of the necessity of revision. However wise this resolution may have been, it nevertheless caused a painful impression throughout the country on account of its having been voted on the day (May 20) on which the leaders of the workmen's party had fixed for proclaiming a universal strike, unless the Legislative Chambers had before that day given satisfaction to their demands. Whether the choice of the day for so important a constitutional vote was a pure coincidence remained undecided, but the workmen considered, and not wholly without reason, that they had gained a signal victory over the privileged classes.

This vote, after all, was no more than the endorsement of the Chamber's vote of the previous year, and was followed by no practical measure. The report of the Commission on this important question, moreover, was so long delayed that it could not be discussed by the Chambers, and the general opinion was that the Government wished to gain time and wait for the elections of 1892 before definitively placing the question before the country.

In the course of the year both the Liberal and the workmen's party made imposing manifestations in favour of reform. In the beginning of January deputations from all parts of the country assembled at Brussels, under the guidance of the leaders of the Radical party, and presented a petition, claiming universal suffrage, to M. Buls, burgomaster and deputy of Brussels, requesting him to carry it to the President of the Chamber, who had refused to receive the delegates of the meeting. As was expected, this Brussels demonstration, as imposing by the number as by the position of those who took part in it, passed off in the most calm and orderly manner. Nevertheless, the Government either felt, or affected to feel, the greatest uneasiness as to its probable consequences, notwithstanding the assurances given by