the globe east and west, north and south. If it were not so scattered the first thing to strike the eye would be its vast extent, more than nine millions of square miles of the earth's surface, a-fifth part of the whole habitable globe, the largest empire of the ancient or modern world. These characteristics lie patent. But, if we begin to look closely and to analyse, two other features shape themselves that have important bearings. One of these is the distribution of the territories between the temperate and the torrid zones; the other the isolated portion of the little land that gives its name to, and is the political centre of, this world-embracing Empire.

Of these characteristics the scattered position of the component parts of the Empire and their climatological distribution are the two that have the most direct bearing on the present subject. The distribution of the territories between temperate and tropical climates enables us to draw a sharp line between the tropical and the temperate countries. The political confederation of the Empire can refer only to those countries where men of British race live from one generation to another under free British political institutions. Whatever the more remote future may have in store, the present question must leave out of account those tropical portions of the Empire inhabited, and only capable of permanent habitation, by the dark-skinned races, governed by the vicegerents of Her Britannic Majesty, and not intrusted with the free Briton's right of self-government, still less therefore to be endowed with the privilege of sharing in the government of other men of British race. The only point of the question that affects them is whether they would continue to be governed by the United Kingdom alone, or by a united empire. When we talk, then, of a Britannic confederation, we must really be thinking of the Britannic Empire lying in temperate or sub-tropical latitudes; and that, for practical purposes, at the present time, resolves itself into the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, British North America, British South Africa, and Australasia.

The second of the two characteristics having a direct political bearing on our subject, the scattered position of the four great groups just enumerated is fundamentally responsible for the existence of such a question at all as that which now confronts us. If these countries, inhabited as they are by a population almost entirely of common origin and otherwise homogeneous, had lain in geographical contiguity, there would never have arisen such a condition of affairs as we see at present in the political relations of each part of the whole to the centre and to the parts. There might, indeed, and, among a people so wedded to selfgovernment in local affairs, no doubt would have arisen, the need for some loosening of the central authority over such matters by the adoption of a federal system. But the need for drawing closer would never have occurred, because the existing absence of almost every substantial political tie would never have resulted under such geographical conditions. It is distance that has produced this result. When the colonies in the temperate latitudes, inhabited by Britons, grew out of being governed on the same principles as those in the tropics, as mere dependencies of Great Britain, it was their distance from the seat of government that

prevented their incorporation into the United Kingdom, or a legislative union being thought of, while, as to the federal idea, it was not until recently that it has come to be regarded by us as a via media between complete legislative union and the absence of all real political union whatever. There were undoubtedly other causes determining the direction that colonial self-government then took. But, if the colonies had been newly-opened countries next door to us, those causes themselves would never have been called into existence. It was geographical position that lay at the root of the developments that have taken place. Historically, the actual course of events has been briefly this. All colonies and plantations having originally been treated alike—that is, both nursed and governed by Britain and from Britain-those that lay in temperate regions, and had no native population of which any account had to be taken, but were inhabited entirely by men of British origin, became little Britains, and after a time claimed the same amount of political freedom and the same political institutions as were enjoyed by their brethren in the mother-country. Distance making legislative union impossible, and federation not being "in the air," this political freedom was conferred by creating local Parliaments, and placing them in the same position towards the Crown, represented by the governor, as that held towards it directly by the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Nominally the Parliament of the United Kingdom as well as the Crown retained supreme authority over the Parliaments so constituted. Practically the power of the Parliament is a reserve force to be called out of abeyance only in great emergencies such as that which, while we write, has arisen with regard to Newfoundland; while that of the Crown, acting through the executive government of the United Kingdom (as distinguished from the Crown, represented by a colonial governor and acting through a colonial executive), is not much more substantial. The political connection between any colony and the United Kingdom is of the slenderest; between any two colonies, except where it has since been created as between the colonies of British North America by Canadian confederation-there is none at all.

But before we can get a complete bird's-eye view of the general situation we must note some other circumstances that accompanied the grant of parliamentary self-government to the colonies. With the right to manage their own domestic affairs the government and people of the United Kingdom also made to the colonists two free gifts of a strictly material nature, and at an enormous sacrifice to themselves not fully realised at the time. The first and greatest of these gifts was nothing less than the fee-simple of the vast territories, on the fringes of which they had settled.

The vastness of this unconditional and unreserved bounty is even now scarcely appreciated. The sacrifice it entailed on the mother-country is hardly recognised at all. It is not only that the heritage of the whole race was made over absolutely to a few mere handfuls of its members, so that now a native of Great Britain has no more property in and no more rights in or concerning the territory of Victoria, for instance, than any Frenchman or German possesses, and may even be refused permission to

or

the globe east and west, north and south. If it were not so sc
first thing to strike the eye would be its vast extent, mo
millions of square miles of the earth's surface, a-fifth pa
habitable globe, the largest empire of the ancient
These characteristics lie patent. But, if we begin to
analyse, two other features shape themselves that have
One of these is the distribution of the territories be
and the torrid zones; the other the isolated por
that gives its name to, and is the political centre
Empire.

and

A SURVEY OF EXISTING CONDITIONS.

eing thought of, while, as to the federal idea, it was not that it has come to be regarded by us as a ria media their incorporation into the United Kingdom, or a legisla self-government then took. But, if the colonies here were undoubtedly other causes determining the legislative union and the absence of all real political een called into existence. It was geographical of the developments that have taken place. Arse of events has been briefly this. All countries next door to us, those causes themand from Britain-those that lay in iginally been treated alike—that is, both Mirely by men of British origin, population of which any account ·Caimed the same amount of

Cavotions as were

making legislative union
this political freedom
enjoyed by

Paring them in

the governor, as

Kingdom.

Nituted.

as the

W

Of these characteristics the scattered posi' of the Empire and their climatological di have the most direct bearing on the pres of the territories between temperate draw a sharp line between the tropical political confederation of the Empir where men of British race live from British political institutions. have in store, the present que tropical portions of the Empire habitation, by the dark-skin". Her Britannic Majesty, and self-government, still less of sharing in the governr point of the question to be governed by th When we talk, ther thinking of the B latitudes; and th itself into the U North America

The seco

bearing on just enum a questic inhabit

Conflicting

guage the New

cnce. It is by means of reign relations of the Empire, ucted. These relations accordingly the government and people of the United re, we speak of the political independence of this very large deduction to be made: that, whereas rning and mutually independent in respect of their s, in respect of their foreign relations they remain, constiin as completely a dependent position as any of the tropical essions of the Crown: and herein will be found to lie the whole crus the matter. When the Colonies were granted the right of self-governimperial franchise, because they were not then in a position to undertake ment, the grant was partial only; they were not endowed with the

and

wou'

in

t'

the corresponding imperial obligations and responsibilities. The imperial franchise still remains vested exclusively in the people of the United Kingdom, and upon them exclusively devolve all the responsibilities attaching to the defence of the Empire in time of war, and the mainteu

defence, and advancement of the rights and interests of individual British subjects, of the several countries in the Empire, and of the Empire as a whole in time of peace. There are other aspects in which the

to existence.

onship may be viewed, but herein lies its fundamental

a position to look into the situation more closely.
orking of the present anomalous arrangement? To
hat, while on the one hand they escape altogether
he labour and expense, the money-tax and the
nsibility for the maintenance and defence of
relations, they find themselves, on the other
1 voice in foreign affairs-even when these
terests and are unable to carry out or
r-country of any foreign policy, how-
ess the annexation of New Guinea,

A SURVEY OF EXISTING CONDITIONS.

235

g thought of, while, as to the federal idea, it was not
heir incorporation into the United Kingdom, or a legisla-
slative union and the absence of all real political
it has come to be regarded by us as a via media

ere undoubtedly other causes determining the

overnment then took.

pments that have taken place.

next door to us, those causes them

ated alike—that is, both

has been briefly this. All

hich any account

But, if the colonies

-those that lay in

It was geographical

mount of

ritish origin,

ed by

on

the colony of Queensland, but
ited Kingdom, and the whole
h Pacific continually pressed

rnment's steady refusal to

time exposed to the in-
The Government of the

may-some of them
king or ending of

the first place the
whole pecuniary expense
affairs (with the exception of
a and the Crown Colonies), the
all parts of the Empire and every indi-

re than that, they may be called upon to
ug untold loss and misery and enormous expense
ount of some single one of the Colonies. On what-
e war, the whole Empire suffers in some way, or at least
sk of suffering, but in all cases the United Kingdom immeasur-
ae most of all. Colonists, referring to these risks, sometimes talk
Great Britain going to war in some cause that does not concern them.
There might be a war in which not all the Colonies would have a direct
interest, as, for instance, if we went to war with France on behalf of New-
foundland, or with America on behalf of Canadian interests in Bering
Sea or elsewhere.
Australasia and South Africa would have no direct
interest there, but neither would the United Kingdom itself. Histori-
cally, the facts are all the other way.
Britain's quarrels for the last three
centuries, wherever the theatre of war may have been, and whatever the
ostensible casus belli, have not been fought on grounds concerning Britain
herself, but have been in one way or another Colonial wars; and Britain's
only danger of war now lies, not at home, but in one corner or the other
of the outlying Empire. A war with Russia, even, would not in the future
any more than in the past arise from any danger threatening these islands,
but from the danger that threatens our lines of communication and those
of the Colonies, that threatens India, and, more remotely, Australasia in
the South, and Canada in the North, Pacific.

The existing anomalous condition of the imperial relationship has

enter that territory if his pecuniary means fail to come up to a certain standard: that is not all. There was another and directly pecuniary sacrifice made when these lands were so lightly given away. The Empire of Great Britain has cost some eight hundred millions to build up. The National Debt was a mortgage upon the whole of the territories composing that empire. Yet these large and fertile lands, containing unknown reserves of wealth, were simply given away to a few favoured members of the race, freed from all responsibility for the mortgage debt that lay upon them, the whole burden of which remains on the shoulders of the people of the United Kingdom. Nine-tenths and more of the area of land charged with its repayment has been released, and the whole stands secured upon the remaining tenth.

After this it seems almost a small thing to come to-but it was no small thing-the second pecuniary gift that accompanied the concession of self-government to the colonies. The people of the United Kingdom further gave them the right of levying all taxes, both of customs and inland revenue, and applying the proceeds for their own exclusive benefit. And, negatively, they required from them no contribution of any kind whatever in respect of those imperial services, supported by the United Kingdom, of which the colonists enjoyed the advantages especially with themselves.

These imperial services consist of the naval and military, the diplomatic and consular, and the Colonial Office staff. The United Kingdom keeps up the Colonial Office for the purpose of maintaining what may be called the discipline of the Empire. For example, Newfoundland was recently allowed to negotiate the basis of a reciprocity treaty with the United States. Canada objects that its terms would be injurious to her. The Colonial Office has to adjust these conflicting interests; and we have lately read the kind of language the Newfoundlanders use towards that Office in consequence. It is by means of the first four named services that the foreign relations of the Empire, whether in peace or war, are conducted. These relations accordingly remain under the sole control of the government and people of the United Kingdom. When, therefore, we speak of the political independence of the Colonies, there is this very large deduction to be made: that, whereas they are self-governing and mutually independent in respect of their domestic affairs, in respect of their foreign relations they remain, constitutionally, in as completely a dependent position as any of the tropical possessions of the Crown: and herein will be found to lie the whole crur of the matter. When the Colonies were granted the right of self-government, the grant was partial only; they were not endowed with the imperial franchise, because they were not then in a position to undertake the corresponding imperial obligations and responsibilities. The imperial franchise still remains vested exclusively in the people of the United Kingdom, and upon them exclusively devolve all the responsibilities attaching to the defence of the Empire in time of war, and the maintenance, defence, and advancement of the rights and interests of individual British subjects, of the several countries in the Empire, and of the Empire as a whole in time of peace. There are other aspects in which the