unnecessary after 1935 that its abolition on May 22, 1943, was simply a gesture, convenient to suggest the loyal acceptance by communism of the collaboration against nazism.

The reestablishment of the Comintern under the new name of Communist Information Bureau, shortened to Cominform, announced on October 5, 1947, was therefore very significant. It marked the acceptance of the fact that a new time period had been entered upon in which Communist activities would have to be closely controlled and coordinated in many countries. It also marked the admission that it was important to have such an organization even though to reestablish it signified open antagonism on a world scale. It also marked the time when the Communists found it necessary to have a formal international organization again, in order to counteract the effects of too much nationalism in some of the parties and countries where they were in control. The communiqué issued on October 5, 1947, stated clearly why the new organization was needed.

A report on the exchange of experience and coordination of activity of Communist parties was made by Comrade Gomulka. On this question, the conference, having in view the negative phenomena produced by the absence of contact between parties represented at the conference and taking into consideration the necessity for mutual exchange and experience, has decided to create an information bureau." 49

The possibility of avoiding revolution finds one new application in the same international situation that brought the birth of the Cominform. As long ago as 1924 Stalin mentioned that some countries, obviously minor ones and not great powers, might under special international conditions pass from capitalism to socialism without a violent revolution. The meaning of this in practice is illustrated in the countries we now call satellites. The absence of any hope of victory in civil war, if civil war were started close under the shadow of the Red Army, means that "peaceful" transition may be possible.

No doubt in the distant future, if the proletariat has triumphed in the chief countries that are now capitalist, and if the present capitalist encirclement has given place to a Socialist encirclement, it will be possible for a “peaceful" transition to be effected in certain capitalist countries where the capitalists, in view of the "unfavorable" international situation, will deem it advisable "of their own accord❞ to make extensive concessions to the proletariat. But this is to look far ahead, and to contemplate extremely hypothetical possibilities. As concerns the near future, there is no warrant for any such expectations.50

To call this peaceful transition by another name, it is controlled revolution, with none of the spontaneity or enthusiasm of the great historical revolutions, and also, of course, lacking the violence and bloodshed, except as the bloodshed takes the form of police terrorism afterward. With the Red Army in Germany and Austria, the condition of "Socialist encirclement" is conclusive for any "capitalist" elements in some eastern European countries. The consequences have been clear.

F. THE PRESENT WORLD SITUATION

The world today through Communist eyes has the same general characteristics as in the period between the two World Wars. Though communism has made gains, the non-Communist world is still capi

4 Communiqué of Conference of Nine Communist Parties in Poland, issued October 5, 1947, published in the New York Times, October 6, 1947. Printed in supplement I of this report.

Stalin, Leninism, p. 118.

talist, with capitalism evolving still along the lines of imperialism. The Second World War was an imperialist war. Two of the capitalist powers, the United States and Britain, eliminated their two greatest competitors in world markets, Germany and Japan. This was one aspect of the war. The other aspect was the attack on the socialist fatherland-the Soviet Union. The possibility of the great imperialist powers forming a coalition against the Soviet Union failed only because there were still too many such powers and too serious issues to be fought out between them. Stalin stated the Communist interpretation of the Second World War in a nutshell in his speech of February 9, 1946.

It would be incorrect to think that the war arose accidentally or as the result of the fault of some of the statesmen. Although these faults did exist, the war arose in reality as the inevitable result of the development of the world economic and political forces on the basis of monopoly capitalism.

Our Marxists declare that the capitalist system of world economy conceals elements of crisis and war, that the development of world capitalism does not follow a steady and even course forward, but proceeds through crises and catastrophes. The uneven development of the capitalist countries leads in time to sharp disturbances in their relations and the groups of countries which consider themselves inadequately provided with raw materials and export markets try usually to change this situation and to change the position in their favor by means of armed force.

As a result of these factors, the capitalist world is sent into two hostile camps and war follows.

Perhaps the catastrophe of war could have been avoided if the possibility of periodic redistribution of raw materials and markets between the countries existed in accordance with their economic needs, in the way of coordinated and peaceful decisions. But this is impossible under the present capitalist development of world economy.

Thus, as a result of the first crisis in the development of the capitalist world economy, arose the First World War. The Second World War arose as a result of the second crisis.

The Communist explanation of why capitalism, in the imperialist phase, must lead to war is spelled out most clearly in the program of the Comintern adopted in 1928:

The growth of the productive forces of world economy thus leads to the further internationalization of economic life and simultaneously leads to a struggle for redistribution of the world, already divided up among the biggest finance-capital states, to a change in and sharpening of the forms of this struggle and to the method of forcing down prices being superseded to an increasing degree by the method of forcible pressure (boycott, high protection, tariff wars, wars proper, etc.). Consequently, the monopolistic form of capitalism is inevitably accompanied by imperialist wars, which, by the area they embrace and the destructiveness of their technique, have no parallel in world history.

The effect of the Second World War upon the structure of world capitalism was formulated in the Manifesto of the Cominform, published on October 5, 1947:

As long as the war lasted the Allied states fighting against Germany and Japan marched in step and were one. Nevertheless, in the Allies' camp already during the war there existed differences regarding the aims of the war as well as the objectives of postwar and world organization. The Soviet Union and the democratic countries believed that the main objective of the war was the building and strengthening of democracy in Europe, the liquidation of fascism, and the prevention of a possible aggression on the behalf of Germany, that its further aim was an achievement of an all-around and lasting cooperation between the nations of Europe.

The United States of America, and with them England, placed as their war aim a different goal—the elimination of competition on the world market (Germany and Japan) and the consolidation of their dominant position."

51 Geminform Manifesta, Moscow, October 5, 1947. Printed in supplement I to this repert.

The idea that capitalism, because of its contradictions, is subject to recurring economic depressions is an essential. This now leads the Communists to focus attention upon the coming American depression, which they expect. A depression in the United States would not only fulfill this prediction, it would bring the world revolution to a climax. It might either so weaken the United States that world capitalism would collapse, or it might lead to an American fascism, with a final struggle between capitalism and communism. The interpretation of the economic situation of the United States thereby takes its place as the top priority problem for Soviet intelligence. The urgency of the problem for them is such that it has produced overt controversy in Moscow. The Varga incident, reported in the New York Times of January 25, 1948, is the best evidence of this. Varga had for a long time been the outstanding Marxist economist. His views on the development of the United States economy in the near future were apparently more hopeful for us and less hopeful for their expectations than was tolerable to the dominant clique. This, more clearly than any explicit statement, gives evidence that the dominant line in Moscow today is based on the anticipation of an early crisis in the United States.

Aside from any coming economic crisis, the Communists believe that the world is even now in a political crisis. The war left unfinished business in great areas. The limits of immediate Communist success have by no means been set. The limits of capitalist recovery and reconstruction have also not been set. Much of Europe and Asia remains at stake, even without recourse to war. Vishinsky's speech at the United Nations General Assembly on September 18, 1947, and Zhdanov's speech to the Cominform, published on October 22, make this perfectly clear. It is this conception of the present situation that necessarily leads to a radical drive for further Communist gains, at least up to the limits of cold warfare. They believe that large areas of the world are close to revolution at the present moment. The most critical of all questions of tactics is the question of the time for revolution. The Communists have some reason for selfsatisfaction in their past handling of this problem. Lenin's strategy in October 1917 left little to be desired in this respect. They have generations of thought and experience behind them in which the prediction of M-day for the revolution has been their ultimate strategical problem. The general equation for this problem was stated by Lenin long ago:

We may consider that the time is ripe for the decisive struggle: when all the class forces arrayed against us are in a state of confusion, are sufficiently embroiled one with another, have been sufficiently weakened in combats for which their strength is inadequate; when all the vacillating, unsteady, unstable intermediate elements (the petty bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeois democracy, in contradistinction to the bourgeoisie) have exposed themselves enough before the people, have made a sufficient parade of their utter bankruptcy; when there has arisen and spread widely among the proletariat a strong feeling in favor of decisive and unhesitatingly bold revolutionary action against the bourgeoisie. Then the time is ripe for revolution. Then, if we have kept good account of the afore-mentioned conditions, and have chosen our moment well, our victory is assured.52

Its application to the areas still at issue between the two worlds was implied in every important statement they have made since last June.

62 Lenin, Works, Russian edition, vol. XVII, pp. 180-181, quoted by Stalin, Leninism, p. 152.

G. SUMMARY

In summary, the Communists believe that the capitalist system must create class divisions in society on horizontal lines. It creates a clash of interests between the upper classes and the lower classes such that a monopoly of force is required in society, and this monopoly of force is the state. The state as the organ of the upper classes to maintain and defend the system of exploitation must be destroyed in a revolution before any fundamental reform or reorganization of society can occur. Only revolutionary violence can accomplish this task, and it must be followed by the dictatorship of the proletariat. . Capitalism in its advanced stages takes the form of imperialism. This means the final division of the world between the capitalist powers, conflict among the capitalist powers, and between the capitalist powers and the colonial countries. It also begins the initial successes of the revolution in one or more countries and the probability of conflict between the capitalist group and the Communist society. This leads to compound wars of the imperialist powers against each other, and of some of them against the Soviet Union. The eventual end is the success of the world revolution.

The Soviet countries represent the main wing of the revolutionary forces, and the Communist Parties all over the world represent the subordinate wing. The conduct of the revolutionary movement in strategy and tactics is under absolute leadership, through the disciplined unity of all the parties.

The Communists do not believe in the possibility of world peace before the revolution. They do not believe in any solution of the problem of continuous full production before the revolution. They do not believe in the possibility of reconciling the advanced nations with the backward or colonial countries before the revolution. Least of all do they believe in the possibility of real collaboration between Communist countries and non-Communist countries, except in brief and special circumstances.

Their dogmatic faith in their system gives them absolute conviction. This, as always, leads them to practice if not preach that the end justifies the means. This permits them to regard all of their minor assets as expendable for the cause. They can, therefore, sacrifice any Communist Party outside Russia for tactical advantage. So much the more are they ready to sacrifice sympathizers or friends who are not disciplined Communists. They are ready to make any alliance for temporary advantage and to betray that alliance at the first change in circumstances. They are ready to use all forces and all motives which lead, even for a moment, in the direction of revolution.

The revolution appears, in much of their thought and writing, to be the conclusion of a long argument. But historically it is clear that the revolution is the one fundamental premise and that all justifying argument is really deduction from this premise. The revolution was firmly formulated in the Communist Manifesto, the first of their fundamental documents, 100 years ago. Through every controversy and vicissitude it has been the unchanging heart of their belief. Every growth of doctrine which strengthened revolution was acceptable, and every growth of doctrine which might weaken it has been suppressed as heresy.

The necessity for violent revolution is the one principle of consistency in the whole history of communism. An attempt to interpret communism as consistent on any other basis is a failure. Soviet policy and Communist policy, and Soviet action and Communist action, are alike meant to serve this single end. Economic and political policy and action, collaboration on the surface and subversion underneath, a swing to the right in one period and a swing to the left in another, are meant to serve this single end, the world revolution.

III. THE TACTICS OF WORLD COMMUNISM

A. ENDS AND MEANS

Communist theory is a theory of history, a theory that offers an explanation for the sequence of events in time; a theory, therefore, of cause and effect in human affairs. Any such theory is also a theory of ends and means. If one knows how to identify the inevitable outcome of a great historical process and feels that that outcome will be good, and knows what are the factors that cause the outcome, then one is ready and able to participate, making the outcome an end and using the causes as means.

For any case where men try to effect the course of history in a radical manner, there must be a development of thought concerned with causes and effects, a theory of history. There must then also be a development which transforms the first into a system of ends and means, of practical rules by which to operate. The rules of practical action so developed are a system of strategy and tactics.

The characteristic tactical thinking of Communists is concerned with the method by which to distinguish between apparently similar but essentially different sets of circumstances. To aid and abet the formation of a labor union will generally, but not always, advance the cause of revolution. When should they aid it, and when oppose it? The rise of a nationalist movement will sometimes run counter to the purpose of proletarian revolution but will sometimes help to precipitate a crisis in another more important country. When should they join and promote such nationalist movements, and when should they oppose them? A strenuous drive for power will sometimes succeed in its objectives, and sometimes it will merely provoke a reaction and end in failure. When should they advance, when retreat, when mark time? There may be times when political means to an end are not ready to hand, or are blocked or already engaged. What other means may accomplish the desired effect? There may be situations in which Soviet agencies can act to good practical effect, and where a local Communist Party can also act. Should they use the one or the other, or both? These are the characteristic questions that confront Communist tacticians. The answers to such questions are the parts that make up their tactical system.

Within the wide variety of tactical variations that are possible for the Communists, there are four main phases. These are: First, the tactics of Soviet defense; second, the conduct of Soviet foreign policy; third, the political tactics of communism outside the Soviet Union and Communist-controlled areas; fourth, their economic tactics. All of these are used together, integrated and coordinated for common goals. Communists are not dependent upon one or the other of these four