jective side. Facts make impressions and feelings lead to conclusions, connected by no link of logic to their antecedents. From such impressions and conclusions-comes much of the power of the movement. Views not facts make revolutions. It is the study of the state of mind of labor that will reveal to us the movement. A volume on its psychology would be a useful book.' Ruskin says that we can learn lessons from hewers of wood, from those that dig and weave, and plant and build, not by thinking about them but by joining them. The case is similar with the labor movement.

Our general failure to approach the labor movement from this subjective side prevents us from doing justice to it, renders much that we would do for it useless because misdirected, and consequently those who might correct and direct labor when it is in the wrong, are out of sympathy with it, do not really understand and cannot assist it.

The labor movement has a noble mission. Its difficulties are numerous and great. But a few of them have been reviewed in the preceding pages. It must understand itself, its tendencies. It needs a more complete self-mastery and a deeper sense of responsibility. They are all the more necessary since, on the one hand, there is great cause for complaint, and on the other, it is vitally necessary for the movement to be guilty of none of the excesses which it itself condemns. It would be easier for labor to cultivate those qualities, were its organization more widely spread. It is clear all through the history of labor organizations in the United States that they become conservative as they become older and stronger. Consciousness of power in man is a pledge of its cautious and temperate use, the most fruitful source of the sense of responsibility.

Labor should foster religion in the working men instead of assisting in its disintegration. Duty to God, to society, to

In the Fortnightly Review of November, 1893, Mr. A. R. Wallace, writing on the Psychology of Labor and Capital, erroneously assumes that capitalist and laborer are fixed and separate psychological types, distinct and incontrovertible, with different qualities and conformation of brain. It is not in that sense that we refer here to the psychological side of the Labor Movement. We can appreciate the meaning and power of the movement, not by studying conditions and statistics, but rather by studying the views-the mental attitude of the Labor Movement.

self must be taught; the single basis of morality protected; the dignity of man and the meaning of life insisted upon. Religion alone will do this, because it alone can foster conscience, inculcate respect for rights, encourage true fraternity. Naturally, the movement should protect itself. It should know its rights and wrongs-it need not submit without emphatic protest to wrongs of any sort. But it should aim to develop every noble instinct in the working men, hold in check the baser side of nature; aim to develop character, morality, ambition; to foster the sense of individuality, of responsibility in them. Should it ever get power, its faults or virtues will be visited on its own head. History is witness that its future is in its own hands.

W. J. KERBY.

jective side. Facts make impressions and feelings lead to conclusions, connected by no link of logic to their antecedents. From such impressions and conclusions-comes much of the power of the movement. Views not facts make revolutions. It is the study of the state of mind of labor that will reveal to us the movement. A volume on its psychology would be a useful book.1 Ruskin says that we can learn lessons from hewers of wood, from those that dig and weave, and plant and build, not by thinking about them but by joining them. The case is similar with the labor movement.

Our general failure to approach the labor movement from this subjective side prevents us from doing justice to it, renders much that we would do for it useless because misdirected, and consequently those who might correct and direct labor when it is in the wrong, are out of sympathy with it, do not really understand and cannot assist it.

The labor movement has a noble mission. Its difficulties are numerous and great. But a few of them have been reviewed in the preceding pages. It must understand itself, its tendencies. It needs a more complete self-mastery and a deeper sense of responsibility. They are all the more necessary since, on the one hand, there is great cause for complaint, and on the other, it is vitally necessary for the movement to be guilty of none of the excesses which it itself condemns. It would be easier for labor to cultivate those qualities, were its organization more widely spread. It is clear all through the history of labor organizations in the United States that they become conservative as they become older and stronger. Consciousness of power in man is a pledge of its cautious and temperate use, the most fruitful source of the sense of responsibility.

Labor should foster religion in the working men instead of assisting in its disintegration. Duty to God, to society, to

In the Fortnightly Review of November, 1893, Mr. A. R. Wallace, writing on the Psychology of Labor and Capital, erroneously assumes that capitalist and laborer are fixed and separate psychological types, distinct and incontrovertible, with different qualities and conformation of brain. It is not in that sense that we refer here to the psychological side of the Labor Movement. We can appreciate the meaning and power of the movement, not by studying conditions and statistics, but rather by studying the views-the mental attitude of the Labor Movement.

self must be taught; the single basis of morality protected; the dignity of man and the meaning of life insisted upon. Religion alone will do this, because it alone can foster conscience, inculcate respect for rights, encourage true fraternity. Naturally, the movement should protect itself. It should know its rights and wrongs-it need not submit without emphatic protest to wrongs of any sort. But it should aim to develop every noble instinct in the working men, hold in check the baser side of nature; aim to develop character, morality, ambition; to foster the sense of individuality, of responsibility in them. Should it ever get power, its faults or virtues will be visited on its own head. History is witness that its future is in its own hands.

W. J. KERBY.

HANNIS TAYLOR'S CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY.

We have before us the second volume of Hon. Hannis Taylor's work on "The Origin and Growth of the English Constitution."1

The first volume, issued some years ago, traced out the genesis of that constitution, a process extending from the Teutonic conquest of Britain down to the reigns of the Lancastrian kings. The period covered in this first volume the author terms "the formative period." By the end of it the constitution had completed its structural growth and "its vital organ, the parliament, had developed all of its powers and privileges." The second volume brings the history down to the present time, and traces out what the author calls the "aftergrowth of the constitution."

The two volumes together form a complete and connected history of a wonderful constitution that has been growing and developing for fourteen centuries, and which, directly or indirectly, has served as a model for the constitutions of nearly all the great modern states that have successfully attempted representative government.

As an introduction to the work, the first volume begins with a chapter showing "The English Origin of the Federal Republic of the United States." The thesis of the author, and the inspiration of his work, is "the fact that the constitutional histories of England and the United States constitute a continuous and natural evolution, which can only be mastered when viewed as one unbroken story."

To judge a work fairly, one must keep in mind the aim that the author set before himself. There are then two legitimate points of view-how well has he succeeded in doing what he set out to do; and what is the objective value to the reader of the result that he has more or less fully achieved.

1Origin and Growth of the English Constitution, by the Hon. Hannis Taylor. 2 vols., 80, pp. XL-616; XLIV-645. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1896-1898.