School of Political Science. Seth Low, LL.D., President. J. W. Burgess, LL.D., Prof. of Constitutional and International History and Law. Richmond M. Smith, A.M., Prof. of Political Economy. Munroe Smith, J.U.D., (Adj.) Prof. of Roman Law and Comparative Jurisprudence. F. J. Goodnow, LL.B., (Adj.) Prof. of Administrative Law. E. R. A. Seligman, Ph.D., (Adj.) Prof. of Political Economy. Wm. A. Dunning, Ph.D., Lecturer on Political Philosophy. Frederick W. Whitridge, LL.B., Lecturer on the History of New York. A. C. Bernheim, Ph.D., Lecturer on City and State Politics. Frederic Bancroft, Ph.D., Lecturer on Political History. Charles B. Spahr, Ph.D., Lecturer on Taxation. I. HISTORY. COURSES OF LECTURES. (1) Outlines of Mediaval History (undergraduate course) (5) Political and Constitutional History of England to 1688 (9) History of the Relations between England and Ireland. II. POLITICAL ECONOMY. (1) Elements of Political Economy (undergraduate course) (2) Historical and Practical Political Economy (3) Taxation and Finance (4) Communism and Socialism (5) Statistics: Methods and Results (6) History of Economic Theories (7) Financial History of the United States (8) Tariff History of the United States (9) Railroad Problems (10) Ethnology (11) Seminarium in Political Economy III. CONSTITUTIONAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE LAW. (1) Comparative Constitutional Law of Europe and the United States Hours per week, per half-year. (2) Comparative Constitutional Law of the Commonwealths of the United States 2 2 2 4 2 2 4 2 32 333 (3) Administrative Organization and the Civil Service of Europe and the United States 3 (4) Administrative Action: Finance and Taxation, the Police Power, Education, Public Charity, Transportation, etc.. (5) Local Government (6) Municipal Government (7) City and State Politics (8) Seminarium in Constitutional and Administrative Law. IV. DIPLOMACY AND INTERNATIONAL LAW. The course of study covers three years. The degree of A.B. or Ph.B. is conferred at the end of the first year; A.M. at the end of the second; and Ph.D. at the end of the third. Any person not a candidate for a degree may attend any of the courses at any time by payment of a proportional fee. Four fellowships of $250 each and one prize of $150 are awarded annually to members of the school. Three prize lectureships of $500 each for three years are open to competition of graduates. For further information address REGISTRAR. of Economics PUBLISHED FOR HARVARD UNIVERSITY IS A MEDIUM FOR PUBLISHING INVESTIGATIONS ON ECONOMIC PROBLEMS AND QUESTIONS OF THE DAY. It welcomes cordially any real contributions to Economic study, and appeals to all who wish scholarly and impartial discussion. Among writers for recent numbers have been: THE PROHIBITION OF RAILROAD POOLS. Professor A. J. HADLEY, Yale University. THE THEORY OF CAPITAL. Professor F. H. GIDDINGS, Bryn Mawr College. THE ECONOMIC MOVEMENT IN FRANCE. A. DE FOVILLE, Paris. SOCIAL ECONOMY AT THE PARIS EXPOSITION. EDWARD CUMMINGS. Notes and Memoranda, List of Recent Publications on Economics, SUBSCRIPTION, $2.00 PER YEAR. SINGLE NUMBERS, 50 CENTS. Address Business Letters and Subscriptions to GEORGE H. ELLIS, 141 Franklin Street, Sixth Avenue, 13th to 14th Street. HARNESS and SADDLERY. THIRD FLOOR-REACHED BY ELEVATORS. A New Department, under the management of MR. P. H. COMERFORD, whose reputation as one of the most renowned harness makers in this country requires no further commendation. Goods of fine quality at lower prices than common goods are sold for by regular dealers. Single Harness, from $11.57 to $99.00. SADDLES. Ladies', $8.13 to $99.24. Men's, $6.88 to $49.24. BRIDLES, $1.48 to $10.91. Driving, 32c. to $31.24. Riding, 16c. to $9.99. Special Bargain in PLUSH ROBES. FUR ROBES, $5.99 to $41.99. HORSE BOOTS. O'Kane's Original Californian, and Our Own Prices from 25 to 50 per cent less than any house in the country. ORIENTAL GOODS. THIRD FLOOR-REACHED BY ELEVATORS. Those who have heretofore considered this class of goods out of their reach will find that, at our popular prices, they fill a popular want. Beautifully Embroidered Turkish Cushion Covers, Chair Scarfs, Piano Scarfs, Mantel Lambrequins, Table Covers, and Portieres, at prices about ONE-THIRD LESS than elsewhere. STRIPED TURKISH LINENS AND 23c. to 64c. per yard, worth 50c. to $1.00. TURKISH COFFEE SETS. TURKISH RUGS. Smyrna Mats, assorted patterns and colorings, $1.56 to $5.99, worth $3.50 to $8.00. Antique Anatolian Mats, $3.98 to $4.24, worth $6.00 to $10.00. Antique Daghestan Rugs, $4.97 to $17.49, worth $6.98 to $34.99 Antique Melaz Rugs, $10.41 to $17.99, worth $15.00 to $25.00. Antique Kazac Rugs, $17.49 to $27.99, worth $24.00 to $40.00. Bagdad Portieres, $4.56 each, worth $8.00. In designating what the goods are worth, we might have more correctly stated that these prices are what are charged elsewhere for goods of like quality. RAVELERS OF HARTFORD, CONN., IS THE LARGEST ACCIDENT COMPANY In the World, ONLY LARGE ONE IN AMERICA. ALSO, BEST OF LIFE COMPANIES. No other Life Policies as liberal cost as little money, no others as cheap give as much for the money. Assets, $11,528,649.30 Surplus, $2,365,534.06 Paid Policy-holders $1,500,000 in 1889. POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. "ONE ALEXANDER HAMILTON. NE cannot note," writes Professor Bryce, "the disappearance of this brilliant figure, to Europeans the most interesting in the early history of the Republic, without the remark that his countrymen seem to have never, either in his lifetime or afterwards, duly recognized his splendid gifts."1 Our failure to do justice to Hamilton is undeniable; and it is all the more conspicuous and deplorable because it relates not alone to his gifts, but also, and in an even higher degree, to his services. Of this fact the traditional ingratitude of republics is not a satisfying explanation. From Washington to Lincoln there are many names which prove that the American people can properly appreciate those who serve them. They have not done so in the case of Hamilton, because, in respect to matters of prime importance, he misunderstood them, and they in turn misunderstood and disagreed with him. But peoples, like individuals, feel gratitude towards those benefactors only whom they both understand and approve. The origin and in part the consequences of this misunderstanding and disagreement can be made clear by a brief review of Hamilton's political work. The public life of Hamilton began in 1774. He was then a student at King's, now Columbia, College. On July sixth of that year he made an extempore address at a meeting of patriots. In the following December appeared the first of his political writings, a pamphlet in reply to Tory criticism upon the Continental Congress; it was entitled A Full Vindication. A few weeks later a second and longer pamphlet was published 1 American Commonwealth, I, 641. entitled The Farmer Refuted. Both were widely read and had a marked influence. The author, although probably under eighteen when he wrote the Vindication, was already a statesman. For grasp of principles, mastery of facts, clearness of statement and cogency of reasoning, these papers deserve high rank in the political literature of the Revolution. What, at that time, were the politics of this youth, who, up to 1772, had been an inhabitant of the West Indies? Had he, within the short space of two years, become an American? In arguing against the claim that Parliament had an unlimited right to legislate for the colonies, he wrote: All men have one common original: they participate in one common nature, and consequently have one common right. No reason can be advanced why one man should exercise any power or pre-eminence over his fellow-creatures more than another, unless they have voluntarily vested him with it. Since, then, Americans have not, by any act of theirs, empowered the British Parliament to make laws for them, it follows they can have no just authority to do it.' It is not (he continued) the burden of a particular tax which the colonies resent: The Parliament claims a right to tax us in all cases whatsoever; its late acts are in virtue of that claim. How ridiculous, then, it is to affirm that we are quarrelling for the trifling sum of three pence a pound on tea, when it is evidently the principle against which we contend.2 He even went so far as to claim that in the last resort the duties of the colonists were determined by their interests: As to the degrees and modifications of that subordination which is due to the parent state, these must depend upon other things besides the mere act of emigration. . . . These must be ascertained by the spirit of the constitution of the mother country, by the compacts for the purpose of colonizing, and more especially by the law of nature, and that supreme law of every society — its own happiness.3 He frequently appealed to the natural rights of man. He tells his Tory opponents: 1 A Full Vindication, Works I, 6 (Lodge's edition). 3 Ibid. I, 63. |