tion Day, the most impressive of all was the Naval Review which the King held on August 16. The great fleet which was then assembled in the Solent, consisted of over 100 warships of all classes, manned by more than 30,000 men. Four foreign warships-two Japanese, one Italian, and one Portuguesewere also present, besides a fine fleet of merchantmen. The King's ships were drawn up in four lines, each about three iniles long, through which the Royal yacht, the Victoria and Albert, steamed, preceded by the Trinity yacht Irene and the Alberta, and followed by the Osborne, Enchantress and Fire Queen. As the King passed, each vessel gave a Royal salute, the yards were manned, and the crew cheered; when the Royal yacht anchored the whole fleet cheered together, led by the Royal Sovereign, which flew the flag of the Commander-in-Chief (Admiral Sir Charles Hotham). A signal was afterwards made for all captains in command of ships to repair on board the Victoria and Albert, when the King handed them the Coronation medal. At the close of the review the King signalled his "extreme satisfaction at the appearance of the ships and ships' companies." On August 18 his Majesty inspected the fleet under way, but in consequence of the bad weather it was deemed expedient to abandon the evolutions which were to have been carried out. On August 22 the King and Queen started on a yachting cruise, in the course of which they put in at Weymouth, Milford Haven, the Isle of Man, Arran, Colonsay, Ballachulish and Dunrobin, and were everywhere welcomed with the heartiest manifestations of loyalty. The cruise ended at Invergordon (Sept. 8), whence their Majesties proceeded by rail to Ballater for Balmoral.

Before leaving the Solent the King and Queen had received (Aug. 17), on their yacht, the Boer Generals, Botha, Delarey and De Wet. They had arrived at Southampton on the previous day, where they were met by Lord Kitchener and presented by him to Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Roberts. They declined an invitation to attend the Naval Review, private reasons, as they said, requiring them to proceed immediately to London. There they met with an enthusiastic popular welcome, which was renewed on several other occasions when they appeared in the streets. Having visited their Majesties on the Victoria and Albert, they were taken for a trip round the fleet, and then returned to London, whence they proceeded (Aug. 18), first to Brussels to attend the funeral of General Lucas Meyer (which, however, was postponed), and afterwards to see the ex-Presidents Kruger and Steyn. Then ensued a correspondence between them and Mr. Chamberlain, in which the generals practically endeavoured to re-open on various points the Vereeniging Agreement. This was specially so in regard to the question of amnesty for the Cape rebels and to the sums to be granted by the British Government for the benefit of the burghers. In this latter connection, the generals

even went so far, in a letter of August 23, as to propose for consideration "the re-instatement of officials of the late Republics in the service, or their compensation for loss of office,' and "compensation for all loss occasioned by British troops by use, removal, burning, destruction, etc., of all private property of the inhabitants of the late Republics." Replying (Aug. 28) to the remarkable series of demands in which those just quoted were included, Mr. Chamberlain first recalled the history of the peace negotiations, and observed, in regard to the terms which had been ultimately accepted by the assembly of burghers at Vereeniging and signed by their authorised leaders including the three generals, that there was "no parallel in history for conditions so generous granted by a victorious belligerent to its opponents." His Majesty's Government, the Colonial Secretary went on to say, firmly intended to fulfil those terms in the spirit as well as in the letter, and on their behalf he was ready to give the fullest consideration to any observations from the generals bearing on their interpretation. But the letter which they had sent him practically suggested an entirely new agreement, and he was therefore bound to tell them that he had no power to re-open any of the points settled in the Vereeniging terms, although he would willingly receive "any suggestions which, as loyal subjects of his Majesty King Edward VII.," they might wish to offer for the future administration of that portion of his dominions." With promptitude the generals, who had meanwhile returned to London, accepted, in a letter of September 1, Mr. Chamberlain's contention that both parties were bound by the Peace Agreement, and assured him that they did not seek the interview for which they had asked, "as parties claiming the right to contract anew or to substitute a modified agreement for the existing one, but only as subjects of his Majesty seeking to obtain a fair hearing and, as we respectfully submit, clemency and justice.'

Mr. Chamberlain, however, very naturally felt it necessary to intimate in a reply of the same date, that before arranging for a conference, he must ask for a formal assurance that you will not raise any subject inconsistent with the settlement arrived at in Pretoria." On September 3 the generals replied that they regretted Mr. Chamberlain's decision, and considered some of the excluded subjects of such importance that they reserved their right to make written representations upon them. For the present, however, they gave the required assurance.

The conference accordingly took place at the Colonial Office on September 5, Lord Kitchener being present with Mr. Chamberlain. On the question of amnesty for Cape and Natal rebels, the generals expressed their disappointment that those men had not been amnestied at the time of the Coronation in view of a "promise given to them by Lord Kitchener" that at that time he would "make a representation to the Government" on the subject. Mr. Chamberlain, however, pointed out that the in

tention to leave the treatment of the Colonial rebels to the Colonial Governments was made perfectly clear in the statement which was read to the Boer delegates at the time of the conclusion of peace, and not only did Lord Kitchener say that the statement quoted by the Colonial Secretary was the "final" one on the amnesty question and the "only one which was in any way binding on us," but also General Botha, through the interpreter, said that he "admits that statement referred to by Mr. Chamberlain." The Colonial Secretary also pointed out that in a speech at Howick, some time after the signature of the agreement, Mr. Schalk Burger had stated that rebels both in Cape Colony and Natal would be liable to trial.

Some discussion next took place on points connected with the repatriation of the burghers, as to which Mr. Chamberlain pointed out that the operation was being carried out quite as quickly as was possible, having in view difficulties in regard to transport and the provision of food, and also that, of course, the Government must reserve the right of refusing permission to return in the case of persons who had given them reason to believe that they would not be friendly if they returned (though apparently that right had not been, and was not expected to be, exercised in more than a very few cases). As to the recognition by the burghers (under Art. 2 of the Terms of Surrender) of his Majesty as their lawful Sovereign, it was made clear that as far back as July 3 a declaration, instead of an oath, on that subject had been authorised. On the question of possible expropriation of farms for public works, such as irrigation, Mr. Chamberlain pointed out that powers of that kind were in force in Great Britain, and, indeed, in all countries, proper compensation being paid. As to such expropriation with a view to the settlement of new Colonists, respecting a scheme for which General Botha said that uneasiness was felt, Mr. Chamberlain said that similar powers were in force in Great Britain and New Zealand, but that no such scheme would be pressed on the Transvaal and Orange Colony until the inhabitants had had full opportunity of expressing their opinions.

The question of the composition of the Commissions appointed to administer the grant of 3,000,000l. was raised, on the complaint of General Botha that the National Scouts (who had fought on the British side), or the men who had surrendered early in the war, had been appointed on these bodies out of proportion to their numbers. This Mr. Chamberlain denied, while intimating that the British Government could certainly not be expected to treat either of the classes just mentioned worse than those who fought against them to the end. At the same time he quite agreed with General Botha that an experienced local farmer ought to be on each Commission, and if he were informed of any case where that was not so it should be dealt with at once. Mr. Chamberlain was unable to accede to the request for the restoration to the Transvaal of the districts annexed to

Natal, but he pointed out that the Boers in that self-governing Colony, being much more numerous than before, would have political influence wherewith to protect their interests. On the subject of martial law the Colonial Secretary stated that it was not likely to be continued much longer. He could not consent to give the benefits of burghership to foreigners who had been naturalised in view of the war, that was to say as an inducement to them to take up arms against England.

General Botha having said that he did not think that the grant of 3,000,000l. "would be at all adequate to help the people," and that some provision might be made for the Boer widows and orphans, the Colonial Secretary, in a short concluding speech, drew the generals' attention to the fact that after the American Civil War the victorious side, though showing an exceptionally magnanimous and generous feeling to the conquered, yet made no provision whatever for their relief when fighting stopped, whereas we had "contributed in addition to all our own enormous expenses a very large sum to relieve those who are really destitute in our new Colonies." That, he said, was all that we could afford to do. On the general subject, he reciprocated expressions used by General Botha as to the wish of the Boers henceforward to live in peace with us. There should be forgetting and forgiving on both sides. All we want," said Mr. Chamberlain, "is to recognise you as fellowsubjects with ourselves, working as we shall work for the prosperity and the liberty of South Africa. How great that liberty is, how soon complete self-government is extended to South Africa, depends entirely upon the rapidity with which the old animosities die out. . . . We shall certainly show trust in you whenever you will show trust in us. We shall be very glad of your co-operation and of the co-operation of men like yourselves, who have loyally accepted the new situation, in securing that your special views and ideas are, at all events, represented in the Government, as well as those of other sections of the population."

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The correspondence leading up to the conference, and the report above summarised of its proceedings, were published almost immediately, and Mr. Chamberlain's treatment of the Boer generals, alike in its firmness and in the conciliatory temper which it manifested, commanded general approval here and even on the Continent. That being so, a good deal of annoyance and irritation was not unnaturally caused in England by the tone of an appeal for pecuniary help, signed by the three Boer generals, and said to be addressed to the civilised world, which was published on September 25. This course, on their part, they declared had become necessary in view of their failure to induce the British Government to grant any further assistance to the Boer people, whose need was "indescribably great." They had sacrificed everything for their independence, and now stood "wholly ruined." At least 30,000 houses on the

farms, besides a number of villages, had been burnt or destroyed by the British; orchards had been cut down, and all farming equipment taken away or destroyed. "The small amount which England, according to the terms of surrender, will give," said this document, "even if multiplied tenfold, will be totally inadequate to cover even the war losses. The widows and orphans, the maimed and needy, and our children, for whom alone we make this appeal, will therefore receive little, and in most cases nothing at all.'

The prevailing feeling among Englishmen was that if-as might only too probably be the case-the sum, large as it was, which the Government had promised to grant in aid of the destitute Boers should prove insufficient to meet nearly all the distress which the war had left behind it, the wise course on the part of their representatives would have been to appeal to the friendly and generous feeling of the British public, which had been manifested towards the generals personally, and in many other ways, since the conclusion of peace. There was nothing which would have militated against the success of such an appeal in the terms in which, in a letter published, curiously enough, at the same time as the document just summarised, General Botha acknowledged the gift of 20,000l. from Mr. Henry Phipps, a wealthy American, for the relief of widows and orphans. Therein the general readily gave the assurance desired by the generous donor that the money would be used "solely and entirely philanthropically," and suggested that with himself and General Delarey there should be associated in the dispensation of the fund one or other of three eminent British officials, whom he named, in South Africa. At the same time, it may be mentioned, Mr. Chamberlain, to whom Mr. Phipps's intention had been conveyed by Mr. Arnold White, who was also the channel of the donor's communication to General Botha, observed that such a fund as that which might be started by Mr. Phipps's gift "would of course appeal more strongly to English sympathy if it were for the joint object of assisting, without distinction of race or politics, all widows and orphans who had suffered in consequence of the war." If, however, it were ultimately decided to confine it to the Boers, the Colonial Secretary "would be ready to render any assistance in his power to secure its proper administration."

During the autumn the Boer generals made a tour on the Continent in support of their appeal, with pecuniary results which were very variously estimated. On November 6 Mr. Chamberlain wrote to General Botha a letter in which he said that the appeal conveyed an incorrect and exaggerated impression of the circumstances to which it referred. The free grant of 3,000,000l., it was true, would not be increased, but it was supplemented, under Art. 10 of the Terms of Surrender, by the promise, which held good, of further assistance by way of loans to be obtained on very easy terms (with no interest charged for