to the signally good conduct of the British troops in South Africa a leading feature of his Speech, when, on January 16, he opened Parliament in person. The Speech opened cheerfully.

"Since the close of the last session of Parliament," said his Majesty, “I have had the happiness to welcome back the Prince and Princess of Wales on their return from their lengthened voyage to various parts of my Empire. They have everywhere been received with demonstrations of the liveliest affection, and I am convinced that their presence has served to rivet more closely the bonds of mutual regard and loyalty by which the vigour of the Empire is maintained.

"My relations," proceeded the King, "with other Powers continue to be of a friendly character.

I regret that the war in South Africa has not been yet concluded, though the course of the operations has been favourable to our arms. The area of the war has been largely reduced, and industries are being resumed in my new Colonies. In spite of the tedious character of the campaign, my soldiers have throughout displayed a cheerfulness in the endurance of the hardships incident to guerilla warfare, and a humanity, even to their own detriment, in the treatment of the enemy, which is deserving of the highest praise. The necessity of relieving those of my troops who have most felt the strain of the war has afforded me an opportunity of again availing myself of the loyal and patriotic offers of my Colonies, and further contingents will shortly reach South Africa from the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, and from New Zealand.

"On the invitation of the King of the Belgians, an International Conference on Sugar Bounties has recently reassembled at Brussels. I trust that its decision may lead to the abandonment of a system by which the sugar-producing Colonies, and the home manufacturers of sugar, have been unfairly weighted in the prosecution of this most important industry.

"I have concluded with the President of the United States a treaty, the provisions of which will facilitate the construction of an interoceanic canal under guarantees that its neutrality will be maintained, and that it will be open to the commerce and shipping of all nations."

The King then announced the reference to the arbitration of the King of Italy of questions relative to the frontier between British Guiana and Brazil; mentioned the deficiency in the Indian rainfall, and the consequent necessity of continued relief measures, though on a diminished scale, in certain parts of the Bombay Presidency and the adjoining Native States; and recorded that the Ameer Abdur Rahman of Afghanistan had been succeeded on his death by his son and appointed heir, Habibullah, who had expressed an earnest desire for a maintenance of friendly relations with the Indian Empire.

Addressing the House of Commons, the King said that the Estimates for the service of the year had been framed as eco

nomically as a due regard to efficiency rendered possible, in the special circumstances of the present exigency.

His Majesty then concluded with a programme of the legislation for the session. "Proposals," he said, "for the co-ordination and improvement of primary and secondary education will be laid before you. A measure will be introduced for amending the administration of the water supply in the area at present controlled by the London Water Companies. A bill for facilitating the sale and purchase of land in Ireland will be submitted for your consideration.

"Measures will be proposed to you for improving the law of valuation; for amending the law relating to the sale of intoxicating liquors and for the registration of clubs; for amending the patent law; and for sundry reforms in the law of lunacy."

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In the Lords, the Address having been moved by the Earl of Harrowby, and seconded by the Earl of Lytton, Lord Spencer rose and began by expressing his deep regret that continued illness prevented Lord Kimberley from being present in his place as Leader of the Opposition. He referred in very sympathetic terms to the enormous importance to the Empire" of the work done by the tour of the Prince and Princess of Wales. in cementing and increasing those bonds of patriotism and loyalty evidence of which had been so signally displayed in the action of the Colonies during the war. Lord Spencer proceeded to express his admiration of the bravery, the endurance, and the consummate humanity of our troops. He inquired whether the policy styled that of "unconditional surrender " was that of his Majesty's Government. He himself believed that that policy was absolutely wrong. Without suing for peace, he thought that in some way or other information should be given to the Boers with regard to the general terms on which a peace might be discussed. He agreed that it was impossible to grant independence to the Boers after the sacrifices which this country had made. He and his friends held that when peace was restored, but not immediately, constitutional self-government should be conceded to the two Colonies. on the model of Australia and Canada. He considered, moreover, that it would be impossible for our people to live side by side with the Boers unless a very liberal amnesty was granted. Lord Spencer admitted that it might have been quite necessary to suspend the Cape Constitution and proclaim martial law in that Colony. But he asked whether his Majesty's Government intended to bring in a bill legalising the action that had been taken under the first head, and inquired also as to the number of members of courts martial in capital cases, and as to why, in view of the practice of the great Duke of Wellington, civilians and lawyers had not been employed on those tribunals. In reference to the proposed Education Bill Lord Spencer said the party whom he represented would regard with disfavour any measure strengthening mere denominational management

or overthrowing the School Boards which had conferred such signal benefits on the country.

The Marquess of Salisbury, in the course of a vigorous reply, said that although for two years he had been very severely censured for saying that we could never admit that the Boers should retain a shred of independence, he adhered entirely to the language he had used, though he was afraid it did not entirely please Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman. He was glad to hear Lord Spencer state without unnecessary adornments of phrase that the independence of the Boers was impossible. It was impossible for us to ask the Boers on what terms they would make peace. When our assailants asked to be forgiven it would be quite time for those who had the disposal of events to say on what terms peace would be accorded. The Prime Minister went on to declare his opinion that if the military authorities in the middle of a long and anxious war, were not to be able to use the authority of martial law, it was high time that Parliament gave them the power. It was impossible, indeed, for them to conduct their difficult operations with any prospect of success if their hands were tied behind them by litigious difficulties. Questions of indemnity to the military authorities and to those of the Cape Colony for irregular proceedings would have to be dealt with when the war was over. The highest Imperial interests were concerned in bringing the war to a completely satisfactory issue, and in avoiding any approach to the "kind of semi-submission which,' said Lord Salisbury, "you are exhorted to pay to the Boers and rebels who are in arms against you." It was absolutely essential, he urged, for us to have the supreme power in the South African Colonies of keeping foreigners at a distance, and preventing the accumulation of hostile armaments.

The Earl of Rosebery maintained that, in addressing himself to the point just mentioned, the Prime Minister had pommelled a dummy, while avoiding the points actually raised by Lord Spencer. As to martial law, Lord Rosebery thought that it ought to have been declared much sooner, in order to stop the influx of supplies which reached the enemy; but he doubted, from stories he heard, whether it was administered without undue harshness by some of the subaltern officers employed in such work. He then referred to his own Chesterfield declaration in favour of a "passive policy of peace"-that was, of receiving_overtures, even if made by the exiled Boer Government in Europe. He inquired whether no such overtures had been made. Lord Salisbury said "No," and indicated denial when Lord Rosebery suggested that the Dutch Premier (Baron de Kuyper), who had been in London lately, must have had some diplomatic errand, and could not have come over only to see the "Old Masters." Then, with reference to Mr. Chamberlain's speech of January 11, Lord Rosebery denied that he and his late colleagues were under the delusion that they

were universally beloved in Europe. "But," he went on, "the late Government were not universally detested. That is the difference between the position in which we find the country now and the position as we left it." Having criticised unfavourably the claims made by Mr. Chamberlain in regard to the success of the present Government's diplomacy in dealing with such questions as those of Samoa and Siam-" You very nearly," he said, "settled Siam itself. All that we had contended for, or nearly all, you handed over to the other side"Lord Rosebery went on to say that he had "nothing but commendation" for Mr. Chamberlain's reply to Count von Bülow, though he was "a little anxious about these sudden controversies with Germany or with other Powers to which the dialectics of the Colonial Secretary had so singularly contributed." He hoped, at any rate, that the defensive strength of the country was sufficient to maintain that position of splendid isolation which Ministers strangely seemed to consider desirable.

The Marquess of Lansdowne (Foreign Secretary) having expressed his satisfaction at the return of the Chinese Court to Pekin, and mentioned that the number of our troops in China was reduced to 6,000, said that Sir James Mackay, who had been appointed to conduct the resumed negotiations at Shanghai for a commercial arrangement, was eminently well fitted for that duty. Lord Lansdowne proceeded to express his deep regret at Lord Rosebery having made the statement that we were "universally detested" in Europe. He admitted, indeed, that we "enjoyed a very great and very inconvenient amount of unpopularity" on the Continent, on account of the South African war, but he did not consider that our position was unsatisfactory or undignified. "I believe, on the contrary," said the Foreign Secretary, "that the manner in which this country has demeaned itself during the South African war, the manner in which the war has brought out the solidarity of the Empire, and the amount of support which is forthcoming for us from our great Colonies-I believe all that has gone to increase immensely the respect, and I will say the esteem, with which we are regarded in other countries."

In the Commons, the sessional order against the interference of Peers in Parliamentary elections was again vainly proposed to be amended by Mr. James Lowther (Thanet, Kent). His amendment, limiting the operation of the order to LordsLieutenant, was rejected by 341 votes to 86. The Address was then moved by Colonel McCalmont (Newmarket, Cambridgeshire), and seconded by Sir E. Vincent (Exeter). Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman (Stirling Burghs) took occasion, while expressing satisfaction at the conclusion of the Isthmian Canal treaty with the United States, to offer a cordial tribute to the services of Lord Pauncefote, in knitting, through many years, the bonds of amity between the British and American nations. In regard to South Africa Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman recalled

that on November 9, 1901, at the Lord Mayor's banquet, Lord Salisbury said that full information about the state of affairs could not be supplied, but that if the Government told all they knew the public would be reassured. He asked, could not the facts to which Lord Salisbury then referred be disclosed now? He complained of the scanty and meagre information which was vouchsafed by the Government why the Cape Parliament was not summoned in October, and declared that its continued prorogation needed justification. Then, with regard to the administration of martial law, particulars ought to be furnished. For example, returns ought to be given showing in how many cases capital punishment had been inflicted. He wished to know whether the practice of farm-burning had been discontinued, and what changes had been introduced in the management of the concentration camps. But the urgent question in South Africa was the question of peace. believed in the necessity of establishing our military superiority, but did not believe in the expediency of a policy of subjugation. He did not believe in the policy of "squeezing the Boers and not fidgeting about negotiations." [This referred to phrases employed in a speech delivered by Lord Milner at Johannesburg on January 8.] The essential thing to bear in mind was that a settlement should be come to by assent and not by force. How did the Government propose to end the war? Upon that point there ought to be a clear declaration.

He

With respect to contemplated reform of parliamentary procedure, Sir Ĥ. Campbell-Bannerman urged the Government not to base their proposals merely on the personal convenience of members. He was ready to facilitate orderly proceedings and to defend the dignity of the House, but its freedom ought not to be interfered with or the power of the Executive Government unduly increased. Upon the subject of education he expressed a hope that the Government would introduce a measure framed on broad democratic lines and maintaining public control. As to Ireland, the state of which he described as being most serious, Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman taunted the Government with having failed to kill Home Rule by kindness. "The contemplation of the Government," he proceeded, in words apparently chosen with much care, "after all that has been tried and done, floundering in the old familiar traditional way between conciliation and coercion is calculated to confirm us in conviction of the wisdom of that policy towards Ireland and Irish government which has been and is the remedy approved by the Liberal party."

This formal declaration of adhesion to Home Rule, so strongly at variance with the drift of the brief Irish reference in Lord Rosebery's Chesterfield speech, was calculated to, and did, attract general attention, and Mr. Balfour, who immediately followed Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman, did not fail to emphasise its importance. He expressed his strong dissent from the