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GARRISON AND THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT IN AMERICA.*

In THE DIAL for November, 1885, the first and second volumes of Garrison's life, written by his sons, were reviewed at some length, with remarks upon the anti-slavery conflict in general, and with discussion of Mr. Garrison's character and influence, and of his career, so far as set forth in those two volumes. They carried his life through 1840, and covered the first eleven years of his work as editor of "The Liberator"; they told of the beginning and progress of that portion of the general antislavery movement which may be called especially Garrisonian; they related his trials and triumphs; and closed with an account of the great rupture between the Garrisonian Abolitionists and the others, whom we may call the New York party, as Garrison's was the Boston .party.

*WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, 1805-1879. The Story of his Life Told by his Children. In four volumes. Vols. III. and IV. Illustrated. New York: The Century Co.

The causes of the separation were Garrison's leadership, which his opponents called his dictatorship; his violence and severity of expression; his opposition to political action; his tendency to his afterward-favorite doctrine of disunion and destruction of the Constitution of the United States; his non-resistance; his anti-sabbatarianism; his woman's-rights doctrines; and his determination to bring all these unpopular and thus objectionable views forward in anti-slavery meetings, at all times and places. The American Anti-Slavery Society was divided. The Garrisonians kept the organization; the seceders formed the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. This included some of the most active and steadfast workers in the cause, as Birney, Leavitt, Phelps, Torrey, Goodell, the Tappans, Whittier, Beriah Green, Elizur Wright, Alvan Stewart, and Gerrit Smith. Each party charged the other with trickery and fraud. The executive committee of the original society, in which the New York party predominated, had sold its organ, "The Emancipator," to Joshua Leavitt. This the Boston party called a fraudulent proceeding. Each party accused the other of packing the annual meeting. Garrison wrote that the special steamer that carried his party had 450 on board. There never has been such a mass of ultraism' afloat," he says, "since the first victim was stolen from the fire-smitten and blood-red soil of Africa." So the good men quarrelled, and never shook hands and smiled on each other again until their work had been taken up by the armies of the United States and slavery fell into "the bloody chasm." "If he set out to contend," says Emerson, "almost St. Paul will lie; almost St. John will hate."

In the former review we cited that astonishing perversion of fact and logic shown in Garrison's calling the "new organization," as it was entitled, "the worst form of pro-slavery." The two volumes before us show much of the same unreasonable attitude of thought and expression toward opponents. The "new organization" was pro-slavery because it did not walk and work with him. Mr. Garrison never learned to be charitable or fair in his orations or resolutions, so long as the fight continued bitter. He was the Boanerges, always calling down fire from heaven upon the villages

And so, forsooth, while these men held up to God their clean hands, helpless for any practical work except to aid fugitives, and are glorified therefor, we must turn round to see "the brave Lovejoy [who] gave his breast to the bullets of a mob";* Birney and Allan, who fled from Alabama to save their lives; the dauntless Giddings, who went to Congress in risk of his life; Sumner, on whose devoted head were poured out murderously- ruffian blows; Whittier and Lowell, whose inspired pens moved thousands of hearts with sympathy and love of liberty; and Chase, and Leavitt, and the other Lovejoy, and Goodell, and Smith, and thousands more, who spent and were spent in the noble cause, these we are to see with hands foul with the blood of the slave, while really rending chains and battering down the doors of the prison-house! Clean hands for disunionists only!

The authors add, "But anti-slavery disunion is seldom weighed in its own scales." No wonder: the beam is ill-balanced, and the weights are false. It must be weighed in the scales of the general reason of mankind. It is vain in this day to talk of "the unassailable logic of the Abolition position"; to claim that in some respects its value cannot be overestimated," and to boast that "in the desperate councils of the Slave Power, the hopes of peace through fresh compromises were dampened by the spectacle of this saving remnant' of irreconcilables whose leader was Garrison " (III., 119).

6

The plain fact is that this Disunionism broke down Garrison's influence and immensely damaged his work. His sincerity, his zeal, his self-sacrifice, his courage, his power as an orator and a writer, his many lovable personal qualities, all these could not save his ship from foundering upon the steadfast rock of Northern faith in the Union of States and in the political methods of a free people, who are never exactly right, indeed, and can never hold up those boasted clean hands, but who have the virtue of forever becoming right.

That the sons of Garrison, in writing their father's life, should defend him as far as pos

* Emerson, Essay on Heroism.

sible, is natural; that they should so pervert history as to exaggerate his importance in the great struggle, was to be expected; but that they should deform the whole third volume with glorification of his greatest mistake, is more than strange. After citing certain contemptuous articles from Southern newspapers, of which Senator Hammond's famous "mudsill" phrase was typical, they say: "How the love of Union on the part of the North ever survived such representative expressions of contempt and contumely as these must always remain a mystery" (III., 435). To those who grew up like most Americans, and like the old Abolitionists (non-Garrisonian, we mean), whose heads are gray with years, a fast-diminishing band, there is no mystery at all. We used to answer such stuff by saying, "Gentlemen of the South, this Union belongs to us, and to Liberty: if you don't like our company, you may go out of the house; we stay." While we were doing this, these younger men, one born in 1840 and the other in 1848, were growing up in an atmosphere of disunion, looking at the Constitution and the Union always through the belittling end of the spy-glass. In result, they appear as ill-qualified to judge of the sentiments of the American people and of the history of that time as is a Moslem Moollah to interpret the Epistle to the Galatians.

There is a constant claim that great things were accomplished by the Garrisonian Abolitionists, so that the South was especially afraid of them, as hinted in the passage quoted above, "the spectacle of this saving remnant' of irreconcilables whose leader was Garrison." The very last paragraphs of Vol. III. repeat this extraordinary assumption. Who broke the "covenant with Death and the agreement with Hell"? The writer says it was not done "by Northern manhood, conscience, church, and clergy," "but on the one hand by the simple fidelity of a remnant pledged to eternal hostility to slavery wherever found and legalized, and to incessant agitation on the other, by the sheer wickedness and dementia of the short-sighted Slave Power." Everybody but these biographers sees that Northern manhood and conscience, long-suffering indeed, and slow to be stirred to violence, hoping and believing that discussion and truth would conquer all political evils, were the real power which the South found arrayed against it, and against which it revolted; and church and clergy certainly had an honorable part in the uprising. And it may be seen by reading the periodicals