ART. XXV.-Extracts from a Report on Chota Nagpore. By S. T. CUTHBERT, Esq., Magistrate, Ramghur.

[Read February 6, 1841.]

THE pergunnah of Chota Nagpore is about ninety-five miles long and eighty broad, and is bounded on the north by the pergunnah of Ramghur, to the south by Gangpore and Singbhoom, to the east by the zillah of Jungle Mehauls, and to the west by Sirgooja. A large portion of the pergunnah is uncultivated, and its aspect hilly and jungle; but there are parts highly productive and well peopled, such as Loadugga, Pitonia, Burkaghur, Govindpore, Tamar, &c., &c., the soil of which places is extremely rich and fertile; and owing to the rain which frequently falls in these parts, and the general humidity of the atmosphere, the ground produces the most abundant crops without the fostering aid of irrigation, and often in seasons when they fail altogether in the neighbouring pergunnahs. The climate, from the setting in of the rains until about the middle of December, is extremely unhealthy; indeed, to the inhabitants of other parts of the couutry who may be compelled by business to journey into and sojourn in the pergunnah at that season, it may be accounted deadly.

The former history of this district is involved in obscurity; official records throw no light on it, nor is there an inhabitant who can give an account of it antecedent to its subjection by the ancestors of the present family; it is vaguely stated, however, to have been parcelled out into petty chiefships, governed by the rajas of the Cole Rucksul and Ronsaughur tribes. It is now divided into forty-four pergunnahs of greater or lesser magnitude, and is computed to contain about 5130 villages.

The account of the origin of the present family is involved in fable: tradition states their descent from the Nágavansís, or serpent race, mentioned in the Mahábhárata; and they are stated as having come from Benares. Their ensign is a flag with three snakes; and a serpent temple still exists in Nagpore, which the raja visits at the period of the Dasahri; the worship of Durgah and Lakshmí is, however, the prevailing religion. The first of the rajas, of whom a chronological list is preserved, was Fun Mutukraj, accounted to have been the son of the serpent Pandrak. This person is stated to have brought the whole of the pergunnahs under his subjection somewhere about the samvat year 1713, and to have obtained from the emperor of Delhi

the title of Mahárájá Chhattradhári. From that period to the accession of the present rajah is reckoned 167 years.

Mahárájá Jagannáth Sahi Deva, the present rájá, succeeded to the raj about four years ago, and is about twenty-six years of age: he appears of a mild disposition, and seems disposed to listen to good advice. Like the generality of persons, however, in his situation, he evinces neither talents nor inclination for business, and leaves the management of his affairs to his dewan and other officers. Of late he has made a change in his ministerial servants, having displaced Dewan Bisoaram, a man who had long been the confidential servant of his family, and appointed to the situation a Brahman named Joaram Guru, to whose care he has entrusted the interests of his zemindari.

The revenue which the raja derives from the jagirdars, according to a statement delivered into the hands of the magistrate in 1827, amounted to 3,38,077 rupees; independent of which he possesses the pergunnah of Tooree, and a number of valuable Bandhar villages; and I consider I speak within bounds in stating his income from these sources at 80,000 rupees per annum, independent of abwabs.

Besides these sources of revenue, he receives money as nuzzerana, under the denomination of Bundeapun, whenever he bestows a jagir, or confirms the sunnud to heirs of deceased jagirdars. This sum not frequently amounts to 1000 or 1500 rupees, and is regulated according to the number, extent, and value of the villages specified in the grant. The new dewan is inclined to set up a claim on the part of his master, to recover the greatest part of the jagirs, under the plea that the word "Bundeapun" implies mortgage, and that the monies have been more than repaid out of the usufruct of the lands. When, however, it is considered that no such claim for recovery has been brought forward by any of the present raja's predecessors, and that the word Bundeapun is found inserted even in those sunnuds containing these words, it is impossible to acknowledge the correctness of such a construction.

Another source of revenue is the sale of titles: the raja, assuming the power of a sovereign prince, has not hesitated to confer the titles of raja, koaer, thakur, manki, &c., &c., for a pecuniary consideration. About six months ago the title of rajah was bestowed on Thakur Hari Sing of pergunnah Burrandah, and the raja received a nuzzerana of 1000 rupees on the occasion.

On the raja's accession to the raj, a collection of one rupee is made from every village throughout the pergunnah; this is called

Sihak Kharch. On his marriage likewise, a similar collection is levied, termed Haldiyapun. Whenever the raja has to perform a pilgrimage or a journey to visit the magistrate, or is pressed by the collector for revenue, in short, whenever his necessities are pressing, every village in the pergunnah is called upon to send in its quota to enable the raja to meet such exigencies. Thus under the terms mandid and mangan, it is impossible to say what the raja's officers collect from the villagers, upon whom the burden of furnishing the supplies principally falls. Under such a system of feudalism, giving

rise and colour to every species of extortion and plunder, it is not to be wondered at that the population of the province is so limited when compared with the extent of the area.

Six subordinate pergunnahs are incorporated with Chota Nagpore, viz., Tamar, Buruda, Raie, Bundoo, Salee, and Bhurwa. How or when these pergunnahs became dependent on the raja of Chota Nagpore I cannot ascertain, but it would appear that for a long time the dependence was little more than nominal. It was not until the country came into the British possession that their rajas were permanently and actually incorporated with Chota Nagpore. The revenue which these rajas pay at present to the raja of Nagpore, was fixed by Major Crawford in 1840 Samvat, and is as follows:-The raja of Tamar possesses about 185 villages, and pays as Málguzárí 2660 rupees; raja of Raie 83 villages, pays 1500 rupees; raja of Bundoo 88 villages, pays 705 rupees; raja of Salee 87 villages, pays revenue 847 rupees; raja of Buruda 255 villages, pays 1462 rupees; thakur of Bhurwa 29 villages, pays 846 rupees. The raja of Chota Nagpore has no rights in these pergunnahs, saving the revenue payable to him, and thus these rajas may be considered in the light of Talukdars. The rajas, however, still acknowledge the raja of Chota Nagpore as their feudal chief; and on the death of a raja, his successor waits on the raja of Nagpore, pays homage, and presents a considerable nuzzerana, generally 1000 rupees, and receives the title from him.

The same feudal rights and customs prevalent in Chota Nagpore proper are exercised by these rajas. Of the personal character of these chiefs much cannot be said in praise,—they are wholly illiterate, and for the greater part utterly ignorant of the most common affairs of life. On asking any question concerning their country, reference was invariably made to the dewan for information, to whose management they entrust everything.

In times prior to the period when these provinces became subject to the British government, the rajas and independent chiefs of border

ing districts were continually engaged in predatory and petty warfare; these invasions and intestine dissensions were so frequent, and the ravages committed so great, that it became necessary for the heads of the contending parties to contrive some method of keeping in a constant state of readiness and attendance a sufficient number of followers, for the purpose not only of defending themselves against sudden enterprises, but with the view also of possessing the power of making reprisals on their neighbours.

The plan adopted by the rajas that they might always have a number of partisans ready at a moment's notice, gave rise to the now long established custom of bestowing lands in jagir,—a feudal tenure, the very counterpart to those engagements which existed to so great an extent in Europe during the middle ages. Although, from the nature of these feudal tenures, jagirs were originally granted solely in consideration of military services, yet services of a civil and religious nature were afterwards similarly rewarded at the pleasure of the superior. The number of larger jagirs was twenty-six, consisting of about 2531 villages; these jagirs have invariably descended from father to son; and both the custom of the pergunnah and the practice of the courts, hold them as hereditary in the direct male line. On a jagirdar dying without male issue, the jagir generally reverts to the raja, as females in this country do not succeed to real property.

The jagirdars (with few exceptions), particularly those who possess power, have always been considered a turbulent description of people; and their dependants, although oppressed by them, do whatever they desire, from the mere habit of obedience which they have always been taught to consider due to their immediate superiors, and are frequently excited by them to plunder their neighbours.

The half-deserted villages which are frequently met with, evince the oppressive conduct of these people as landholders. On enquiring the cause of such almost universal desertion, one described it to be the Hundeen, or Pachagi Tax; which, however, had been abolished some time previous, and which in very many places the jagirdars prevented the ticcadar from collecting; another attributed it to the people being harassed by perpetual calls to furnish supplies to the military; but the desertion must chiefly be imputed to the conduct of the principal landholders towards their ryots, and their not granting receipts for the payment of rents, which alone opens a wide door to abuse: add to this the effects of the feudal system, which, under the most favourable circumstances, must ever act as a check to the increase of population, by damping the industry and independence of the people.

The mankis and momdas, after the jagirdars, are next in importance as a body of proprietors in this pergunnah. These people are of the Cole and Bhungea caste, and are principally confined to the pergunnahs of Tamar, Raie, and Buruda. The mankis and

momdas hold their lands from the raja of the aforesaid pergunnahs, from whom they receive begrees, the form of their appointment, and to whom they pay a quit-rent. The mankis are generally holders of twelve villages, and the momdas of three or four; and the tenure is considered hereditary. The country in which these mankis and momdas reside is full of fastnesses, places difficult of approach and strongly fortified by nature. The pergunnah of Tamar at present is in a state of profound tranquillity, which is not likely to be disturbed.

The heads of villages in this pergunnah are called Mahtons; these men, in conjunction with the village pujaris called Paons, transact the whole of the business of the village; they make the annual settlements with the ryots and collect the rents; and the Mahton is answerable to the proprietors for the revenue due from the village.

In the month of May, the mahton and paon assemble the cultivators who may be willing to cultivate, and distribute amongst them their different portions of land. The ryot receives no pattá or written document; but the extent of his jote or field is pointed out to him generally before witnesses, on which he receives a piece of earth from the mahton; and this ceremony is the token of having agreed to lease the field, and is called receiving goti, the form of the ryotwar settlements in this pergunnah.

The rents throughout the pergunnah are universally paid in money, generally on three, but sometimes in four kists; viz., 1st kist, Pancha, in the month of Assin; 2nd, Magni, in the month of Magh; 3rd, Hakimi in Chait; 4th, Punti in Assar.

The offices of mahtoon and paon are considered hereditary. The mahtoon is allowed by the proprietors one pame or two pame of land for his own cultivation, according to the extent of the village; besides which he receives at the period of cutting the crops, one pakka falús from each assami. The paon, who is the pujari of the village, likewise gets a similar portion of land for his religious services in deprecating the wrath of the evil spirits with which all the villages are supposed to abound. The pujari's fees form the chief item in the village expenses, and sometimes amounts yearly to the sum of thirty rupees, for fowls, sheep, swine, &c., &c., for sacrifice; the expense generally falls on the ryots. The puja takes place three times