flag-ship, the Malvern, "from memory." Memory of what? Of those words and that order certainly, but whether as read by himself or as repeated to him by another, it would be very interesting to discover. Of course Judge Campbell is the "leading citizen " referred to as having been present at the Malvern interview (though not strictly a "citizen of Virginia"), and Judge Campbell not only publishes a copy of the paper handed him on that occasion, being the only paper he ever received from Mr. Lincoln, and which contained no reference to the meeting of the legislature, but he also says that Mr. Lincoln, while expressing verbally and freely to him (as he had done to Judge Thomas) his views as to "a convention of the legislature" and "a government for Virginia," at the same time distinctly stated that he was only “meditating a plan,” had “come to no conclusion," and was not yet prepared to commit anything to writing on this subject. The general says the "call" for the legislative convention, afterwards published upon the basis of the President's order, "went very much further than Mr. Lincoln had contemplated;" and that Mr. Stanton, seeing this "call," immediately "took the liberty of countermanding the order, notwithstanding the fact that the President was nearer the spot than he was." Now, is it conceivable that Mr. Lincoln, who was the author and sponsor of this movement, never saw this "call," although Mr. Stanton saw it in "the very next issue of the northern papers"? If Mr. Stanton saw it, is it not certain that he showed it to Mr. Lincoln during their prolonged and repeated discussions of this subject? And if Mr. Lincoln saw it, when and where did he ever express his dissatisfaction with it, upon the ground mentioned by General Grant or upon any other ground? In short, this entire statement about this "call" and Mr. Stanton's suppression of it, and “the order" authorizing it before Mr. Lincoln's return to Washington, is totally swept away by the sworn deposition of Mr. Stanton himself, who relates how difficult it was for him and the attorney-general to induce Mr. Lincoln, after his return to Washington, to abandon his policy and recall his order.* Mr. Stanton undoubtedly was a man who seldom "questioned his own authority;" he may even at times have assumed authority to countermand one of Lincoln's orders, but he certainly did not do so in this instance. We have yet two further contributions to make to the record of this interesting crisis. It will be remembered that Mr. Lincoln, during the conference on board the Malvern, said that while he was meditating a plan, he had as yet come to no conclusion upon the subject of a convention of the legislature, and should not do so until he returned to City * See pages 43 and 44 of Judge Campbell's pamphlet. Point; but that, if he was then satisfied, he would write to General Weitzel. This was on the morning of the 5th of April. It is of course clearly to be inferred from the documentary and other evidence already submitted, that he was satisfied and did write authorizing the issue of the "call" of April 11; but we are happily able to establish the fact that he did so by direct and satisfactory proof. The very intelligent and accomplished librarian of the commonwealth tells me that some years ago he mentioned the subject of this "call" to a gentleman who represented himself as having been a member of General Weitzel's staff in April, 1865, and that the gentleman said he well remembered the paper, and related the following circumstance connected with it: General Weitzel was speaking, in this gentleman's presence, to a brother officer, of his intention to issue such a "call" as Mr. Lincoln had suggested, when the officer addressed, who seems to have been more than a mere soldier, asked whether he had the President's directions in writing, and, upon Weitzel's replying that he had only verbal instructions, cautioned him not to take the step until he had authority and directions in black and white signed by the President himself, as "the politicians" might make it cost him his commission. The gentleman further informed my friend the librarian that Weitzel admitted the wisdom of the caution and awaited written instructions from Mr. Lincoln, which he received before issuing the "call." Yet once more, and finally. General Joseph R. Anderson, who was chairman of the committee of invitation appointed to carry out the objects of this "call," a few days ago handed me a very important paper, which has never been published. It is Judge Campbell's report to this committee, also laid before the afternoon meeting of Friday, April 7 (see Whig of 8th), of the result of his conferences with President Lincoln. The paper handed me is not the original report, but a copy made therefrom under General Anderson's supervision. He returned the original to Judge Campbeli, who wrote for it, but exacted the condition that Judge Campbell should certify this paper as a true copy, which he has accordingly done in his own handwriting upon the face of the paper itself. It reads as follows: Gen. Joseph R. Anderson and others, Committee, etc. GENTLEMEN,—I have had, since the evacuation of Richmond, two conversations with Mr. Lincoln, President of the United States. My object was to secure for the citizens of Campbell's Pamphlet, page 41. Judge Thomas's testimony, and extract from the Whig of April 8. Richmond and the inhabitants of the state of Virginia who had come under the military authority of the United States as much gentleness and forbearance as could be possibly extended. The conversations had relation to the establishment of a government for Virginia, the requirement of oaths of allegiance from the citizens, and the terms of settlement with the United States. With the concurrence and sanction of General Weitzel he assented to the application not to require oaths of allegiance from the citizens. He stated that he would send to General Weitzel his decision upon the question of a government for Virginia. This letter was received on Thursday and was read by me. It authorized General Weitzel to grant a safe conduct to the legislature of Virginia to meet at Richmond to deliberate and to return to their homes at the end of their session. I am informed by General Weitzel that he will issue whatever orders that may be necessary, and will furnish all the facilities of transportation, etc., to the members of the legislature to meet in this city, and that the governor, lieutenant-governor, and public men of the state will be included in the orders. The object of the invitation is for the government of Virginia to determine whether they will administer the laws in connection with the authorities of the United States and under the constitution of the United States. I understand from Mr. Lincoln, if the condition be fulfilled that no attempt would be made to establish or sustain any other authority. My conversation with President Lincoln upon the terms of a settlement was answered in writing; that is, he left with me a written memorandum of the substance of his answer. He states as indispensable conditions of a settlement the restoration of the authority of the United States over the whole of the states, and the cessation of hostilities by the disbanding of the army, and that there shall be no receding on the part of the executive from his position on the slavery question. The latter proposition was explained to mean that the executive action on the subject of slavery, so far as it had been declared in messages, proclamations, and other official acts, must pass for what they were worth--that he would not recede from his position, but that this would not debar action by other authorities of the government. I suppose that, if the proclamation of the President be valid as law, it has already operated and vested rights. I believe that full confidence may be placed in General Weitzel's fulfillment of his promises to afford facilities to the legislature, and that its members may return after they have concluded their business, without interruption. Mr. Lincoln in his memorandum referred to what would be his action under the confiscation acts. He stated that when the property had not been condemned and sold he would make a universal release of the forfeitures that had been incurred in any state which would now promptly recognize the authority of the United States and withdraw its troops; but that if the war be persisted in, that the confiscated property must be regarded as a resource from which the expenses of the war might be supported. His memorandum contains no article upon the penalties imposed upon persons, but in his oral communications he intimated that there was scarcely any one who might not have a discharge for the asking. I understand from the statement, though the words did not exactly imply it, that a universal amnesty would be granted if peace were now concluded. In my intercourse I strongly urged the propriety of an armistice. This was done after the preparation of his memorandum. He agreed to consider the subject, but no answer has been received. I suppose that, if he assents, the matter will be decided and executed between Generals Grant and Lee. Very respectfully yours, J. A. CAMPBell. J. A. CAMPBELL." A true copy. General Anderson remembers that during the reading of this paper to his committee, when he came to that portion which contained Mr. Lincoln's expressions upon the subject of amnesty, Judge Campbell stopped, and said that it occurred to him to mention, as illustrative of the magnanimity of the President upon this subject, that he remarked at the conference, "I would gladly pardon Jeff. Davis himself, if he would ask it." But the special importance of this report lies in the fact that it shows conclusively that, after Mr. Lincoln had returned to City Point and reflected quietly over the whole matter, he adhered to the views he had thrown out in conversation with Judge Campbell and Judge Thomas, and wrote to Weitzel (not to Campbell) a letter which Campbell read, the substance of which he gives in the report, and which fully authorized the issue of the call of April 11. And now, to sum up briefly, we think these three positions have been clearly established: to wit, that Ist, As late as the afternoon of the 13th of April, 1865, General Weitzel and the other military authorities of the United States in Virginia were going on in good faith to carry out Mr. Lincoln's policy of immediate restoration, and they regarded the address or "call" of the 11th of April as a fair expression of that policy and the first step in execution of it. 2d, Mr. Lincoln himself was not only the author and sponsor of that policy and that "call," but as late as the afternoon of the 13th of April, 1865-four days after the surrender of General Lee, and when he must be concluded to have seen the "call "-he had found no reason to abandon this policy or to repudiate this call. 3d, To Edwin M. Stanton belongs the responsibility (or glory) of breaking up the policy of restoration, and inaugurating in its stead the policy of reconstruction. RICHMOND, VIRGINIA. Paberk Stites JOHN W. HAMERSLEY "Whether or no we shall roam the hereafter Together, as once in the days that are dead, Yes, yes, we shall meet at this life's seeming ending, "The According to that most truthful remark of Sir Henry Taylor, world knows nothing of its greatest men." And so it is in this, a lesser world, this mongrel city which knows little of its best citizens. It is a sorrowful fact, that in the history of communities, the most worthy, the most useful, the most devoted, and the most self-sacrificing seldom attain marked celebrity, nor, as a rule, are their services or examples generally recognized. A man to be prominent among the masses must possess unlimited force, or push, or be the creature of a party or the representative of a popular idea. This is especially the case in a very large city or state, and it is for this reason it has been conceded by philosophers that small states are more productive of great men than extensive empires. A great nation or a vast city like our own seldom permits the rise of the best, especially one of the old stock almost buried out of sight by the succeeding swarms of foreigners who fill our offices and streets, steal our taxes, and ignore if they are not ignorant of the few and heroic families who laid the basis of this metropolis, and, indeed, established the principles through which this New Amsterdam or New York has developed. One of the representatives of an old family, an extraordinary man, passed from our midst on the evening of the 7th of June, 1889, with less notice in the newspapers than is usually accorded to successful men whose deaths are a benefit to the community. John W. Hamersley's death has left a void in many hearts that cannot be filled. He was one of the few who will be the more sincerely missed the longer those who knew him intimately live to remember him. He was born on the 24th of May, 1808, in Hanover square, New York, then one of the centres of fashion, opulence, and |