of high treason, and if convicted, would be further liable (notwithstanding such certificate) to be carried back to the place from whence he came, and from thence to be drawn to the place of execution, and be there hanged by the neck, cut down alive, his entrails burnt before his face, his head cut off, and his body divided into four quarters, to be disposed of at the King's pleasure." The corporal, who (having now nothing to do as an Attorney) is an honest and humane man, added, that he thought " it was a very cruel deceit to put on ignorant men, however criminal, to endeavour to entrap them under pretence of protection into a surrender, which would expose them to so horrid a punishment."

• Whether the corporal, as a lawyer, was right in his judgment, and as an honest man was right in his feeling, I leave it to the wisdom of Parliament (where, no doubt, the measure of this state paper will be canvassed) to determine.

• The last part of this wonderful paper exhibits the form of the oath required to be taken by those unfortunate wretches, to whom it holds out a vain and inefficacious protection. This form first contains the oath of allegiance, and then calls upon the wretched and deceived culprit, to "renounce and abjure all oaths and engagements of every kind whatsoever, which are in any degree contrary thereto." Did the unblushing compiler of this violation of all principle and decency, know what the aljuration of an oath is? Did he know, that it is to swear to commit perjury?-to swear to be forsworn?-Does he conceive that an instrument which renounces and derides the strength of all moral obligation, derived from the sanctity of an oath -which obliges the polluted soul to swear, that his attestation before his God shall not be as any bond whatsoever? - Does he conceive, I say, that such a corrupted lump of mutually repelling materials, can ever be the cement of future peace, good-will, and mutual confidence among men? Circling the globe, from the reasoning disciples of Confucius, and thence westward to the feeling Peruvian children of the sun, on what altar did he find such an offering, except on that of the Goddess of Reason in the Champ de Mars."

The inhumanity which suggests the idea of hanging as traitors, under the civil law, men who had surrendered on the faith of a military proclamation, befits those who recommend a government by force instead of a government by affection: but the sophistry which would represent as impious perjury the abjuration of an illicit oath, every man of common sense will despise, and every man of common honesty will pronounce execrable.

We cannot take leave of this pamphlet without expressing our regret that, with genius and intellect considerably above the common level, the writer of it should exhibit so melancholy an instance of the abuse of both.- This production is confidently attributed to a natural son of Lord Carhampton.

Art. 18. A Letter to his Excellency the Marquis Cornwallis, vindicat, ing the Conduct of Lord Camden, from the Aspersions contained in a Pamphlet entitled, "Considerations on the Situation to which Ireland is reduced by the Government of Lord Camden." 8vo. pp. 15. Dublin. 1798.

This writer is inferior to the author of the "Considerations" in point of talents and literary skill, but there appears to be much truth as well as force in what he advances in justification of Lord Camden. Of the nature and causes of the disturbances in Ireland, he gives a different, and, as we imagine, a juster view :

• Yes,' says he, 'I agree with the author, turbulence and outrage are the order of the day; human baseness has indeed attained the pinnacle of depravity; but have the acts of George the Third, consummated by the ponderation of Lord Camdeır, produced this "dire event of the none-sparing war?" - Has the mercy of our benevolent Sovereign, tempered by the wisdom of his councils, only elicited the spark of civil dissension, which the energy of his viceroy upheld by every supply, and sanctioned by every law, that the military information or the political wisdom of our rulers commanded or suggested, has blown into open rebellion? The insinuation is vile the assertion false.No, the people of Ireland are poor, and therefore tumultuous; the people of Ireland are idle, and therefore turbulent; the causes of revolt are to be assigned not to conciliation and mercy-not to the humanity of our King, and the compassion, " for such proceeding he is charged withal," of his representative, but to base-earned pensions and sinecure places-and the consequent extinction of patriotism, and the abandonment of public virtue amongst the wealthy; and amongst the poor-to lotteries and to whiskey-those sanctioned springs of vileness and of profligacy to the orgies of pay-tables-to the crapulence of jails-to Irish gentlemen and Irish ladies, who, with unblushing audacity, parade the crowded streets, teeming with feverish throngs of famished manufacturers to middle-men, those leeches that gorge upon the hearts-blood of the people, the oppress ors of the poor and the minions of the rich to the beggarly, cowardly, contemptible gang of absentees-drones in the political hive, whom the residents should utterly expel

Agmine facto

Ignavum fucos pecus a præsepibus arcent.

VIRGIL.

to the leaven of French principles fermenting this heterogeneous mass, the instantaneous communication of infectious discontent, pervading " like the electric fluid with incalculable velocity, and finding a conductor in every human heart."-These, these, are the primary causes of disturbance."

The means which he recommends, in order to effect a radical cure of these evils, are perhaps not less likely to be successful, and certainly are more humane, than the indiscriminate and unrelenting extermination which Lord Camden is blamed for not adopting. - You are vested,** says the writer, ' with unlimited powers-oh, my Lord, exert them in the generous behalf of those whom oppression has embrutedwhom interest has vilified" who have none to help them."-Burst the fetters of bigotry-dispel the fog of sloth, awaken the mind of the poor from the stupor of ebriety; vouchsafe them the means of intry, and they will be laborious; give them a stake in the country, and they will love and cherish it!

The

The "Considerations" charge Lord Camden, first, with having

taken too long time to consider before he drew the sword; and, secondly, that, when he resolved to draw it, his military measures were weak and indecisive. To the first of these charges, the present writer gives the simple and satisfactory answer, that, previously to the time at which the sword was drawn, no rebellion existed; and mere suspicion could not justify the making war. To the second charge, however, the writer's answers are not equally satisfactory: he does not more clearly shew why Lord Camden did not sooner beat the rebels, than it has been shewn why Lord Cornwallis did not sooner capture the French.

With respect to the other charges against the Camden administration, the liberation of the captive rebels at the Curragh, and the conciliating proclamation with which Lord Cornwallis's administration commenced, though the writer perhaps succeeds in vindicating these measures, yet he cannot highly boast of his success: for he coldly repels by reason what was ingeniously urged by wit.

EAST INDIES.

Art. 19. Sanstreet Fragments, or, interesting Extracts from the sacred Books of the Brahmins, on Subjects important to the British Isles. By the Author of Indian Antiquities. 8vo. pp. 64. 2s. 6d. Gardner. 1798.

This short pamphlet consists of two parts. In the first, Mr. Maurice endeavours to prove that the Sanscrit writings, instead of invalidating, decidedly corroborate the Mosaic records. Of several tradítions adduced with this view, the only one which appears to us in the least apposite is the story of Satyavrata and his three sons; of which the history of Noah and his progeny is the manifest prototype:-but this had previously been translated and published both by Captain Wilford and Sir William Jones. - The second part professes to contain such information as the former gentleman (from whose ingenious researches into Oriental literature, we impatiently expect more solid discoveries,) has been able to procure from Indian records, relative to the British Isles. This portion of the work was communicated to Mr. Maurice by Colonel Vallancey: but we hope that it has not been given to the public without the approbation of the writer. It is intitled "Extracts from the Puranas," though it contains neither extract nor translation from these poems; nor any circumstance which can enable us to judge with what propriety the Rajata dwip (or silver isle) of the Bramins is applied to England; or the Suvorna dwip (golden isle) to Ireland. We are told that Dirgha, in Sanscrit, signifies a cave, whence Laugh Dirgh: but we must assure these determined etymologists that dirgh has no other signification than the English adjective "long," with which it is perfectly synonimous. Dirgha Dondo, a long pole,

RELIGIOUS, &c.

Art. 20. An Illustration of the Method of explaining the New Testament by the early Opinions of Jews and Christians concerning Christ. By W. Wilson, B. D. Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. Svo. 7s. Boards. Rivingtons, &c. 1797.

The learned author has here zealously taken up what is commonly called the orthodox side of the question; which, for a long time past, seems (In the opinion of many) to have been too much given up to the Arians and Socinians. Should the latter be disposed to take the field, on this occasion, they will find Mr. Wilson a formidable op

ponent.

Art. 21. Modern Philosophy and Barbarism: or a Comparison between the Theory of Godwin and the Practice of Lycurgus. An Attempt to prove the Identity of the two Systems, and the injurious Consequences which must result to Mankind from the Principles of Modern Philosophy carried into Practice. By W. C. Proby. 8vo. pp. 80. Is. 6d. Westley.

Prepossessed as we are, and ever hope to be, in favour of those writers who take up the pen to refute and expose what they esteem dangerous errors, we think it our duty to check, as far as our power may extend, that excessive zeal and inconsiderateness of expression by which truth itself inadvertently suffers. In giving to certain wild theories the title of Modern Philosophy, writers not only honour these * theories too much, but, on the other hand, contribute to bring this respectable term and its legitimate signification into disgrace. Error is not philosophy; nor is every thing so called by the moderns erroneous. Both expressions are incorrect as above applied. Let, therefore, the term Philosophy be rescued from reproach; and let not modern science be so vilified as to represent all who are devoted to it as a dangerous class of beings. The contemptuous use of the term modern philosophy' will tend to discourage scientific pursuits, and to make us relapse into that very barbarism' of which Mr. Proby is so much afraid.

In the use of words, controversialists ought to be uncommonly precise and correct. To convert a word of good meaning into a term of reproach is a common trick of party, but it seldom fails to do mischief. Mr. Proby should have found out some other name for the theory which he combats, and represents as allied to Barbarism, instead of Philosophy; which is the science of truth, and in the pros cution of which the moderns have been eminently successful.

We do not offer these preliminary observations on the head-title of this pamphlet from any disapprobation of Mr. P.'s attempt. His delineation of the Lycurgan system is judicious, and sufficient to excite such a disapprobation of it as must preclude even the wish of its being again adopted by any people; and his account of Mr. Godwin's theory would deserve much attention, if the principles of it could be reduced to practice, which we think impossible: but we cannot perceive that identity between the two systems, for which he so strepuously contends. -All plans to melt down communities, or mankind in general, into one uniform and homogeneous mass, must proceed on the same principle of destroying individual interests and local attachments. So far the author of "Political Justice" may be thought to have followed the Spartan lawgiver: but it is only justice to remark that the object of Mr. Godwin is more commendable than that of Lycurgus, which was to establish a community of hardy soldiers. At Sparta, as Mr. P. observes, the mildness of benevolence and the amiability amiability of social life were banished from the state, and nothing left behind but a cold unfeeling self-denial.'- The progression of improvement was diametrically contrary to its institutions,' it endeavoured to perpetuate ignorance.' Mr. P. anticipates an objection, that this picture of the Lacedemonian regime cannot be identified with the system of Godwin, which inculcates universal benevolence and enlarged knowlege: but to this he replies that the modern system, in endeavouring to grasp at all, grasps nothing, unless a middle path be chosen, through which the benefits proposed by it may be practically carried into effect.' He then proceeds to point out the impracticability of the Godwinean hypothesis, and in course manifests its failure of comparison with one which was formerly efficacious at Sparta.

We think that this writer is justified in reprobating a system which, in man, would annihilate love and affection, friendship and gratitude, and divest him of all sensibility. The author of such a system may well be said to be endeavouring to destroy 'the beautiful pyramid of society, for the purpose of substituting a rolling stone or a shapeless block:' but why represent a writer or two of this description as the huntsmen of modern philosophy, when he must know that modern philosophy disclaims such wild chimeras?

Mr. P. is certainly not an indifferent writer: but could there be much need of the exertions of his talents, in order to dissuade from the adoption of a theory which he represents as a compound of heathen philosophy and Paganism? He appears, however, so alarmed, that he is afraid of inculcating the principle of universal benevolence; and he attributes to Mr. Godwin's system the most frightful consequences, but which are not always fairly deduced, and which that author would probably disclaim.

There is, however, good sense in the following short passage: * Those institutions that do not grow out of circumstances, never will be consentaneous with the natural reason of mankind. A harsh uniformity disgusts and displeases. Government must be the creature of man, and subject to be altered and changed according to the difference of his opinions at various periods, if he is to retain the exercise of his reason. But let him be the creature of government, educated according to its dogmas, and fitted to it by the rule and square of uniformity, and then away with rationality, away with the characteristics of intellectual vigour and energy; he becomes inevitably enslaved and chained down by prejudice.'

Art. 22. Sixteen Sermons, prepared for the Press from the Manuscript of a Clergyman now deceased, of the County of Salop. 8vo. 5s. Boards. Richardson, &c.

To these posthumous discourses, no prefatory account of either them or their author is prefixed. On perusal, we find nothing in the volume that could fairly entitle it to the honours of the press. Motives, no doubt, there were for printing it, but whatever the rea sons were, it is not our business to inquire. - Had there been any degree of merit in the compositions, above the common routine of public discourses, we should, in course, have recommended them to our readers.

Art.