ceive that their number has been diminished. In the whole of my long route, I do not remember above three or four remarkable monuments of this species of devastation. Cloisters, Abbeys, Steeples, and especially Crucifixes, suffered every where.' • One thing struck me in Paris; an expression of incertitude and anxiety, a restless mistrustful convulsive cast of countenance. A man who had entered the city with me for the first time might, I think, have been tempted to address the inhabitants in the wellknown phrase of M. Jussieu, "I have not the honor of knowing you, but I think you exceedingly altered." The dispute between the conventionals and the sectionaries, about the re-election of one third or the whole of the legislative branch of the new constitution, was raging during the author's stay in Paris. He praises the superior tactics of the former, and the superior arguments of the latter. The number of pure royalists, lowly as they are cast down, is yet considerable. These perceive no sensible difference between the constitution of 1795 and the former plans. They desire nothing less than the abolition of all institutions of the revolution; and they enjoy with sensible delight the liberty of thinking, speaking, and writing every thing ill of a systent to which they ascribe all their misfortunes, and of a party whose power they so much undervalued.' Most of this author's observations are vague and general; they only describe the impression made on his mind by the new face of a country in which he was born, and which he had intimately known in other times:-they are not sufficiently founded on definite facts, and precise delineations, to enable a reader to apply the same information to the solution of any doubts which he also may entertain, respecting the operation of the modern laws. On the whole, however, the author inclines to expect, from the present constitution, a more speedy establishment of order and liberty, than has been generally predicted by the political sooth-sayers in the neighbouring nations. We are to remember that he performed his journey in 1795. ART. XXVIII. Phraseologia Anglo-Germanica, or a Collection of more than Fifty Thousand Phrases collected from the best English Classics, disposed in Alphabetical Order, and faithfully translated into German; by F. W. HAUSSNER, Professor at the Central School of the Lower Rhinish Department. To which is added a Vocabulary, containing all the Words not comprehended in the foregoing Phraseology, nor wanting any particular Explanation, so that the Whole may be used as a complete English and German Dictionary. 8vo. pp. 1115. Strasburg. 1798. Imported by De Boffe, London. Price 18s. sewed. D ICTIONARIES of two living languages should never be undertaken by an individual, but by the co-operation of a native of each country of which the dialect is to be explained: otherwise, the phrases will certainly betray a foreign idiom, a quaint solecism, an inadmissible vulgarity, or some other impropriety. In the use of speech, all the toil of reason never attains the skill of the vernacular instinct. -The preface, or indeed the very title-page, of this vocabulary, without being ungrammatical, is not strictly idiomatic; and this is also the case with a variety of the English phrases inserted in the work, which certainly do not, in many cases, evince their derivation from the best authors, and are frequently such as could not be tolerated. In the division of words which have not been explained by phrases,' under the Letter B., in the first twelve articles, twelve errors occur: viz. 1. Babble, not bable, is the right reading. 2. Bab is not used as a contraction for Baptist, but for Barbara. 3. Babe does not mean eine puppe, a doll, but an infant. 4, 5, and 6. Bable and Bables are not English; and the word Barules, to which reference is made, does not occur. 7. Bacchanalization is not an authorised word; and, if introduced, it would not mean, as here explained, the orgies of Bacchus, but the rendering similar to bacchanals. Thus it would be English to write: the favourite sacrament of the Corinthians was a bacchanalization of the eucharist. 8. Bachelour, in modern English, is never spelt with the u. 9. Back and breast, for a coat of mail, would not now be intelligible. 10. Back-swanked is, at best, provincial; we never before heard of it. 11. A pig-back is an adverb, corrupted probably from a peak-back, and describes the attitude of a person carried on the back of another: it has nothing to do, as this interpreter supposes, with the back of a hog. 12. Backberond. In what slang dictionary this word occurs, we know not. This, we trust, will be sufficient to convince the author that his work needs revisal by a native of Great Britain. Of its German portion, we form a more favourable opinion. Professor HAUSSNER certainly deserves praise for his industry in acquiring so much knowlege of our language as the work manifests that he possesses, and for the additional trouble which he has taken in endeavouring to impart that knowlege to others, or to enable the English reader to acquire a similar intimacy with the German: but we must repeat that it is scarcely possible that these ends should be accomplished solely by one native of either country. ART. ART. XXIX. Defense de l'Ordre social, &c. i. e. A Defence of Social Order against the Principles of the French Revolution. By the Abbé DUVOISIN. 8vo. pp. 380. Dulau and Co. London. 1798. Price 5s. sewed. A MONG the very probable results of the various alterations projected or undertaken by the great continental powers, may be ranked the consolidation of Scandinavia under the imperial sceptre of Russia, and the consolidation of Germany under the imperial sceptre of Austria. With this event, the good old religion of the Constantines and Theodosiuses would again plant its crosses in the cathedral of Upsal, and again gather tithes in the Danish Chersonesus. Teachers of catholicism by the faggot would become necessary, both to accomplish the purification of the German libraries in conformity with the expurgatory index of the Vienna-censors, and to tame a wild flock into submission to the lengthening crosier. Doctors of anti-jacobinism would also become necessary to popularize the theory of arbitrary power, and the expediency of despotism on principle; to undertake the panegyric of a social order imposed and preserved by the bayonet; and to inculcate the duty and security of passive obedience to the divine right of imperial force:-lessons somewhat novel in the halls to which a Heyne, a Meiners, and an Eichhorn, or a Schiller and his coadjutors, had once invited an assemblage of as liberal students, as of old conversed in the piazzas of the Stoa or the Mousaion. The Abbé DuvOISIN, whose political ideas have given rise to the foregoing "Pisgah Sight of Palestine," is no mean writer; as the following extract will evince: • In the institution of governments, we ought to distinguish between what is of God and what is of the people. The people may have chosen their form of government; may have chosen the person in whom the sovereignty is to reside: but it is not from them, properly speaking, that authority comes; it is God who confers it; God, who, at the presentation of the people, invests the power. All power, all authority, all jurisdiction, is from him. By what title should a mortal command his fellows, if he were not delegated by the King of the universe? Where could we find a legitimate source of the terrible right of life and death, which the state exercises over its members, if it were not founded on the presumptive concession of the sovereign arbiter of our destinies ? • God, the author, the protector, the supreme chief of society, establishes the Prince as his vice-gerent; puts the sword into his hand for the defence of the good and the terror of the wicked; wills the sacredness of his person, and reserves to himself alone the right of sitting in judgment over him. Witness and guardian of the social compact, it is by his dreadful name, and in his presence, that the sovereign sovereign is to swear to govern, protect, and defend, the people, and the people to obey the sovereign. • By this mutual oath, king and subject engage themselves towards God still more strictly than towards each other. Their mutual rights and duties assume a more august character. The interest of the public confounds itself with that of the chief, and of the members of the state. Rebellion and tyranny are no longer simple crimes of treason, which offend only men; they become sacrilege: rebellion, because it attacks God in attacking the person of his representative, and tyranny, because it employs for evil a power conferred by the author of all good. • All power comes from God: Non est potestas, nisi a Deo :-A sublime maxim, on which rests the whole social system, of which the sages of antiquity half saw the truth, but which it was reserved for Christianity to elevate above the vain reasonings and uncertainties of philosophy. • A power, which should have no foundation but the will of man, would be too precarious and too uncertain. The bestowers of it would every moment think that they had a right to resume it. In vain would be an appeal to the original contract, or to the interests of public tranquillity. Little scruple would be made of the breach of conventions, whch had only a human sanction. The factions would never want. pretexts, founded on what they would call the general interest; and after all, rebellion would only be an imprudence,it would cease to be a crime." The author's doctrine concerning establishments and toleration is to be found at p. 268. It is far more remote from that sacrilegious indifference which tolerates all religions because it despises all, than from 'that barbarous and fanatical zealotry which our author advises indeed his Prince to avoid; although (says he p. 297) if a new sect arises which divides the people, the Prince should neglect nothing to stifle it at its origin. He has a right to impose silence on preachers, and to punish them as seditious, if not as heteredox.' Neither under the Duke of Alba in the Netherlands, nor under Charles I. and James II., have these principles been found favourable to the stability of the authorities patronizing them: for, as Lord Bacon long ago observed, "when factions are carried with a high hand and barefacedly, it is a sign of decay of power in princes, and much to the prejudice both of their authority and business." ART. XXX. Considérations sur la France; i. e. Considerations respecting France. By M. DE MAITRE. 8vo. pp. 256. London: (a pretence.) 1797. Imported by Dulan and Co. Price 4s. 6d. sewed. His book is well calculated to produce in France an impression favourable to the restoration of royalty. It is 4 written written in the spirit of a religious necessarian, who thinks it probable that a grand epuration of Christianity has been the single purpose of Divine Providence in the direction of this eventful period. In the conductors of the French Revolution, he discovers only the blind agents of an over-shadowing Divinity, pursuing no ends of benevolence, attaining no ends which they pursued, but irresistibly hurried by the unrelenting stream of circumstance into the commission of every crime, and into every enterprise, essential to the predestined reformation. A superstitious shudder may seize on some readers, while the author, speaking as with the tongue of fate, treats with sarcastic contempt the mighty coalition of kings against the infant republic, with the less weary hostile efforts of a vagrant clergy and a scattered nobility; - proceeding, nevertheless, to positively announce the ultimate downfall (after the return of peace) of the new institutions. The republic has not been consecrated by its lawgivers; there is nothing divine in its construction; therefore, instability shall be its lot.' This is the apparent substance of his eloquent declamations.-He displays much reading, however, of the higher kind; and he has evidently been led to his main inference, by the recent perusal of that part of Hume's history which concerns the Revolution in England begun under Charles I. and terminated by the Restoration. The writer thus describes (p.154) the manner in which the Counter-revolution is to take place : • Four or five persons, perhaps, will give a king to France. Letters from Paris will announce to the provinces that France has a king; and the provinces will loudly reply, Long live the king!" Even at Paris, all the inhabitants, perhaps, (except about twenty) will only learn as they wake that they have a king. " Is it possible they will exclaim : "how singular! I wonder at what gate he is to come in! Well, we must hire windows beforehand: for the croud will be intolerably stifling." • A courier brings word to Bourdeaux, to Nantes, to Lyons, that the king is acknowleged at Paris; that some faction gained the upperhand, which declares that it holds the public authority in the name of the king; that they have sent for him; that he is expected; and that the white cockade is every where worn. Fame catches hold of this intelligence, and tricks it out with an imposing pomp of circumstances. What would be done? To give due allowance to the republic, I will suppose it to have a majority in the nation, and that the army is in the usual state. These troops will at first assume a semblance of rebellion: but they will want to dine, and will soon begin to think of detaching themselves from the power which no longer pays. Every officer, who is without the consequence to which he thinks himself entitled, and there are always many such, will be very alert in perceiving that the first who cries "Long live the |