measure in which every man in the country was interested: and the catholics, who constitute the great majority of the people, more interested than others. The consequence was, that men of every description of religion, men of every rank in life, not immediately under the controul or influence of the Castle, adopted the principles of the society, or solicited admission into the ranks. The fear and the hatred of administration was soon manifested. Every art was used to blacken the principles of the society-its principal members were pointed out as the agitators of sedition-the enemies of social orderand men who aimed at nothing less than a subversion of the constitution and separation from Great Britain, under the pretext of reform and emancipation. The prints which were in the pay of the Castle vomited out daily the most gross, the most malignant, and irritating calumnies; and even the senate itself, now really forgetting its dignity, condescended to become the scurrilous aggressor not merely of the society at large, but of particular, and, in many instances, inconsiderable members of it.' This despicable conduct' [we quote the writer's language] in the prevailing faction in Ireland, the author reckons among the prime causes of the popular discontents. There were other measures, he says, to which administration resorted to prop their power, and to form a substitute for that legitimate strength which is only to be found in the cheerful support of a contented people. Among these, we are told, were wanton prosecutions of innocent and respectable men for libels, which all publications were construed to be that dared to talk of reform, or of constitutional rights as things to be desired. Another of the causes stated to have led to the present crisis was the Convention-bill; -a measure proposed by administration, and adopted by parliament for the avowed purpose of preventing the Catholics from collecting the sense of their body on a petition to parliament, or to the throne, for the elective franchise. The Gunpowder-bill, which deprived the Irish subject in a great measure of the constitutional power of self-defence, was prior to the Conventionact, and had prepared the minds of the people for receiving its full impression. The attempt to annihilate the independence of the country, by insisting on the right of Britain to choose a regent for Ireland, and the subsequent attempt of the same kind in 1785 to substitute a commercial boon for the right of self-government, had already gone far toward producing a tendency to irritation in the people, which these more vital attacks completed. Nor did even these measures produce so much discontent as the tone and the spirit in which they were carried into execution. The most insulting imputations on the loyalty, and even on the intellect of the nation, were daily made by the needy adventurers, whom chance, or perhaps infamous services, had raised to a place in the administration. The public prints were polluted with the foulest calumny against every man who had the virtue and the courage to oppose a system which he foresaw must eventually terminate in the ruin of the country. Some of the basest of mankind, distinguished, however, by more than usual 15 usual talents for perversion and invective, were appointed to conduct those publications which were paid by the public money for abusing the national character. The Whig Club, consisting of noblemen aud gentlemen who, by possessing large property and extensive connections in the country, felt themselves bound to oppose the mad mea sures of men who, as they were mostly foreigners, had no interest but to turn the present moment to most advantage, were held up to the public, both in and out of parliament, as enemies to the tranquillity of the state, and anxious only, at all events, to raise themselves to power.' Having dwelt at some length on these predisposing causes of the national discontent, the author comes to that which he considers as the more immediate cause of the recent disturbances: beginning with the religious feuds in the county of Armagh; and proceeding to de. tails of spreading and growing mischief, -for which we refer to the pamphlet itself: - having already quoted from it enough to give our readers an idea of the spirit and style of the author. In many parts of his statement, and particularly in his invectives, he has rather the air of a declamatory advocate than of an impartial narrator. MILITARY AFFAIRS. Art. 18. The Art of Defence on Foot with the Broad Sword and Sabre, uniting the Scotch and Austrian Methods into one regular System. To which are added Remarks on the Spadroon. With Plates. 8vo. pp. 108. 6s. Boards. Egerton. 1798. This is an excellent little work; fully containing every thing that the title-page promises, and calculated to be of service to the proficient, as well as to the beginner. The instructions are clear, minute, and comprehensive, without being at all diffuse or tiresome; and the more difficult positions are farther illustrated by several correct plates. A kind of paper target is given with the work, with directions for practising at it; by which any gentleman may, in a considerable degree, instruct himself without a master, or even an opponent. Art. 19. The Proceedings of a General Court-Martial, held on Major General Maurice Wemyss, at the Marine Barracks, January 4, 1798. 8νο. 28. Seeley, &c. General Wemy3s was tried on a charge of disobedience of orders, neglect of duty, and unofficerlike and ungentlemanlike conduct, &c.' On conviction of some parts of the charge, his sentence was, a reduction to half-pay. The General has printed these proceedings as an appeal to the public; in order to rescue his character from the stigma which has been thrown upon it,' &c. &c. This is a curious publication; in which much light seems to be thrown on the proceedings of the Court-Martial by the editor's observations, and by the letters and papers relative to the circumstances that are brought forwards in the charges against the General, &c. noticed in his Defence: which he was allowed to read in court; and which we consider as an animated, eloquent composition. RET. SEPT. 1798. H MEDICAL MEDICAL, &c. Art. 20. Practical Observations on the Disease of the Joints, commonly called White Swellings; with some Remarks on scrofulous abscesses. By Bryan Crowther, Surgeon to Bridewell and Bethlem Hospitals. 8vo. pp. 122. 38. sewed. Robinsons. 1797 The principal intent of this pamphlet is to recommend, in cases of white swelling, the application of a blister over the diseased joint; and the subsequent dressing of the sore, occasioned by its action, with a cerate * in which savine is the principal ingredient. This cerate the author has found to be the best adapted to keep up a large and long-continued discharge from the ulcerated part:-on the quantity and duration of which discharge, and not on the irritation produced, he imagines the cure to depend. The success of this practice is illustrated by some useful cases. Art. 21. A Treatise on the Disorders of Childhood, and Management of Infants from the Birth; adapted to domestic Use. By Michael Underwood, M.D. Licentiate in Midwifery of the Royal College of Physicians in London, Physician to her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales, and senior Physician to the British Lying-in Hospital. New Edition. 3 Vols. 12mo. Ios. 6d. sewed. Mathews. We have already taken two opportunities of bearing our testimony to the merit of this useful work, in its former editions. The first (which was comprised in one voluine) was noticed in the lxxist vol. of the M. Rev. O. S. p. 477. The second edition of Dr. Underwood's very snecessful publication, enlarged to two volumes, was reviewed in our Number for March 1790; and now we have the plea. sure of seeing it farther augmented to three volumes. The alterations and additions are very considerable. On the whole, this Library for the Nursery appears to be a very useful, and, indeed, a very important present to the public. Art. 22. An Entire New Treatise on Leeches, wherein the Nature, Properties, and Use of that most singular and valuable Reptile is most clearly set forth. By George Horn, Apothecary, &c. 8vo. pp. 49. rs. 6d. Symonds. 1798. We need add nothing to the information conveyed in this titlepage, respecting the contents of the pamphlet; except a hint which (in gratitude to the "wonderful reptile" of which it treats) we wish to make known to the useful community of nurses. It is, that to sprinkle salt on leeches which have drawn is truly absurd, and oftentimes kills them;'-and, says our author, ' I would ask such inconsiderate persons (the sprinklers) how they would feel themselves, if, immediately after eating a hearty dinner, any person was to give thera a violent emetic.'-Sick-we suppose. * The formula recommended is as follows: Cera flavo, singularum, libram unam. Adipe, & cera liquefactis incoque sabinam, et cola. POLITICAL POLITICAL, &c. Art. 23. Considerations upon the State of Public Affairs in the Year 1798. Part 3d. - The Domestic State and General Policy of Great Britain. 8vo. 2s. Rivingtons, &c. The introductory pages of this pamphlet are occupied in congratulating the country on its deliverance from the Negotiation at Lisle, which the author, in the language of triumph, represents as a prosperous defeat, a happy calamity, a fortunate disgrace;' since which our affairs have assumed another aspect, every sun has shone out brighter, and a warmer glow has gilded our horizon. In the same elaborate but animated style which distinguished the preceding parts of these considerations, the writer then proceeds to shew that the only enemy which England has to dread is expenditure; and that the only allies in whom we ought to confide are aconomy and time. He argues (in our apprehension) with force, and with great propriety, on the wisdom and prudence of a war altogether defensive, and a total freedom from all foreign alliances and continental connections. He insists, too, that peace must not again be attempted till the enemy, so far from having power to impose or to grant it, shall be spent, and prostrate at our feet, and under the visible necessity of receiving it, such as we will grant.' When we consider what that conjuncture is, which in the opinion of our author is the only proper period for closing the scene of war; that, in his opinion too, our future safety lies in economy alone, and that he is aware how prodigal and lavish ministers have been, and that in all probability and appearance it is their system still so to be; we cannot but wonder at the high tone of exultation and triumph in which he speaks of the prospect of continued warfare. In such a view of things, we see little to lift us above despondency: for we fear that the warning voice which calls aloud for economy will not be heard. That frugality should engraft itself on profusion; and that ministers, after a long career of prodigality, should suddenly become in the last act of the political tragedy the frugal guardians of the public purse; is a scene too exclusively dramatic for us to expect its appearance in the living annals of this or any other country. Though economy in the disposition of our revenues be the great sheet-anchor, by the aid of which we are to weather all the storms that may assail our finances, the author conceives flattering hopes from the land-tax; the sale of which he calls 'the omen of a great and comprehensive policy,' to which 'we may confidently look forwards, which will soon be demanded by the general voice of the country, and which is the certain means and epocha of our financial relief.' According to the present author, the middle class is the only one which has suffered by the war. In the following sentence, we con ceive, there is more of flattery than truth: 'The poor and industrious of every name have been indemnified by augmented wages for every tax that reaches them, and ministers have taken the most laudable and exemplary care that these should be very few; our rich do not know what taxation is. We take from their heap but not from them; from their banker, and not their use.' p. 64. The writer expresses rapture at the spirit shewn by the people, in forwarding the scheme of voluntary contributions: but we doubt. not that the terms in which he speaks of the check which that spirit received from the avarice and penury of some highly distin guished characters; as well as his language respecting the late negotiation at Lisle; will call forth the censure of those readers who, from a purchased devotion (or in some instances, perhaps, from a disinterested zealotry) to the powers that be, cannot tolerate any supposition of error on the part of the present administration. Art. 24. An Alarm to Land-Holders; or the Consequences of the Bill for the Redemption of the Land-tax. By Sir John Sinclair, Bart. President of the Board of Agriculture, as delivered in the House of Commons. Containing in Substance, all the Arguments which have been urged by Lord Sheffield, Mr. Sheridan, Sir Francis Burdet, and other Gentlemen, against the Measure. 8vo. IS. Vernor and Hood. The public are already tolerably well acquainted with the various arguments which have been urged against the bill for the redemption of the land-tax; those who are yet ignorant of them may here find the principal points on which the opponents of that measure have dwelt, expressed in a very neat, easy, and impressive style. There are, however, several other publications on this subject, which must wait till our next Review. Art. 25. A Letter on Finance, and on National Defence; addressed to those who are inclined to despond at the present Posture of Public Affairs. By John Charnock jun. 8vo. Is. 6d. Faulder, &c. 1798. The " voluntary contributions" of advice, on the subject of finance, have lately been very liberal. This is Mr. Charnock's quota; and if it be deficient in some of those qualities which are the result of a comprehensive view of the subject to which it relates, and of long experience, it at least abounds in boldness and novelty. - To enable our readers to judge of Mr. C.'s financial talents, it will be necessary to state only one or two of his opinions; -for instance, he thinks that no nation can be in a state of bankruptcy, while the permanent and immoveable property, (by which he means the land of the country, the timber growing on it, and the buildings erected on it,) and all the moveable and cattle property, are more than equal in value to the public debt. Great Britain of course is in no danger of bankruptcy, because the whole saleable value of the land and moveable property of the country amounts, in his calculation, to 5000,000,000l. while the national debt in only 400,000,000.- Again; Mr. C. is of opinion that it is of little consequence to a country, to what extent taxation is carried; provided only that the quantum of circulating medium (no matter whether that be specie or paper) always keeps due pace with the state necessity. Thus the minister may, without in. jury to the country, raise the present taxes an hundred fold, provided he sends into circulation a proportional quantity of Bank-paper or Government securities. This fact Mr. C. thinks so firm, absolute, and incontrovertible, that he boldly challenges the united wisdom of republicanism to attempt its disproval; and he rests extremely certain that, in twenty lines, and on most positive evidence, he shall be able fully to answer any thing that may be advanced in the attempt to controvert it! There is nothing wanted to make this discovery of Mr. |