women for the higher education. The writer had just been at a Woman's Congress held for the purpose of organizing an association of women teachers and others in the Kingdom of Saxony. Its design is to aid the movement now on foot throughout Germany to prevail on the State to create gymnasia (i. e., classical schools) for girls corresponding to those existing now for boys only. For girls there are only private gymnasia, and the State has thus far not accepted their examinations; consequently there could be no matriculation for the university. But the Minister of Public Instruction has just authorized a "State" examination, and young women are about to go into it for the first time in Dresden. The writer from whose letter these interesting facts are drawn says that the progress of the last ten years in this line has been slow but great. "I know," she adds, "no women so thoroughly cultivated as a finely educated German woman. She obtains through private instruction all that she is refused at the gymnasia. In Berlin and Leipsic the number of women attending the University lectures increases yearly."

for them had to be done "in large measure under untrained regimental and company commanders;" and there was a "lack of knowledge as to sanitary conditions to be observed," and "carelessness in not observing the instructions which were furnished." For "there is nothing young men in robust health are so prodigal of as their health, until it is gone." Every effort has been made to furnish every camp with all appliances asked for, but, of course, the commanding officers in the field are the ones who have direct charge of these men." The Secretary implies that where these officers have been competent there have been few or no difficulties. "For instance, one army corps commander has given orders, and enforces them, respecting sanitary affairs, and he has to-day but a fraction over two per cent. on the sick list." "One regiment in the Chickamauga camp has a colonel who enforces sanitary rules in his regiment, obliging the men to boil all the water they drink, keeping the camp cleanly, and the result is less than twenty-five sick, and his camp, too, is in as unfavorable a place as any in the command. Others more favorably situated have ten times that

Secretary Alger has written a long letter to Mr. Chauncey M. Depew, which has been made public. The letter must be regarded as a semi-official defense against the charges of incompetency and neglect which are now being brought against the War Department by the press-Republican, Democratic, and Independent-throughout the country. The letter is too long to be republished in full in our columns. It is rambling and inconsequential in style, and therefore difficult to condense. But we here attempt to give our readers its substance-and as far as practicable its phraseology-that they may see for themselves the grounds on which the Secretary bases his expressions of satisfaction with the administration of his Department and its results. He says:

A grand total of 268,500 men, including 27,000 men of the regular army, had to be gathered from the various States and mustered into the service on very short notice. There was scarcely any camp outfit for their accommodation; this had to be provided by the War Department. "When war was declared, there was no equipment whatever for the volunteers in store." The work of gathering these men in camps and providing

medical supplies were sent with the army to Santiago, with lighters for unloading. But the lighters were lost in a severe storm. Others sent to take their place were similarly destroyed. The army was thus dependent on lighters lent by the navy. And the military necessity for expedition was so great that the army was ordered forward at once, without waiting for its stores. The result proved the wisdom of General Shafter's expedi tious movement. Delay would have involved greater sickness and imperiled the whole movement. Subsequent landing of supplies was rendered almost impossible, because the wind sprang up every morning at ten o'clock, making a high surf upon the beach. When the fever first broke out at Santiago, it was taken for yellow fever, and it was not thought safe to bring the sick to the North. "Upon inquiry it was ascertained that very few of these cases, comparatively, were yellow fever, when it was at once decided to bring the army home as quickly as possible." At this point in his letter the Secretary makes the declaration that "everything that human ingenuity could devise has been done to succor that army." He closes his letter with some statistics for the purpose of giving “a little idea of the work that has been done,"

A total of 216,400 volunteers mustered into service; $5,030,000 expended for harbor defenses; an entire medical department created anew; 110,907,235 pounds of rations "purchased and distributed;" 9,700 officers, 233,962 enlisted men, 40,582 animals, besides wagons and stores, transported; 6,274,483 articles of clothing and camp equipment distributed; and the whole army promptly paid.

If Secretary Alger imagines that the American people will be satisfied with this statement, or that it will have any tendency to allay the increasing and passionate demand for a thorough and fearless investigation, he greatly underrates their intelligence.

Why, when war was declared, was there no equipment for the volunteers in store? Two months before war was declared Congress gave the President $50,000,000 to prepare for it. The Secretary of the Navy began his preparations at once. Why did the Secretary of War do nothing? Why were our camos left in charge of untrained regimental and company commanders? There were hundreas of men living who had had experience in the Civil War and who would gladly have given the benefit of it to the United States. Why were the offers of service from such refused?

It is not true that there was a "lack of knowledge as to sanitary conditions"! Sanitary engineering is a science. There were scores, not to say hundreds, of sanitary engineers entirely competent to select and lay out camps for five or ten thousand men and prescribe the regulations which would have made typhoid fever imp ssible. "Every effort has been made to furnish every cap with all appliances asked for "! Compare with this Mr. George Kennan's statement in The Outlook (August 20, p. 966), "Twelve or fifteen thousand men were sent into the woods and chaparral between Siboney and Santiago without hammocks or wall-tents, and without any vessel larger than a coffee-cup in which to boil water." "One army corps commarder has given orders, and enforces them, respecting sanitary affairs, and he has to-day but a fraction over two per cent. sick list." "One regiment in the Chickamauga camp has a colonel who enforces sanitary rules. . . and the result is less than twenty-five sick." That shows what can be done. Whose business is it to require other army corps commanders and other colonels to enforce sanitary rules? If a colonel is a coward and orders a needless retreat, if he is incompetent and blunders in ordering a use

on the

less charge, he is called to account. What is the country to think of a Secretary of War who is satisfied to say that wholesale disease and death are due to the incompetence of officers for whose appointment he is partly responsible, and for whose criminal neglect he should instantly call them to account? Our Secretary of War neither has done so nor proposes to do so. Did the Secretary of War not know that storms occur at sea, and especially at this season of the year in the Caribbean Sea? Did it not occur to him that lighters might be wrecked? Had he never heard that an army is dependent on its supplies? Did it never occur to him that an army in Cuba without supplies would be ineffective and in peril? or that hardtack and bacon are not the supplies for Cuba campaigning? or that there might be other ways of landing supplies through a surf than by lighters?—Mr. George Kennan has given in The Outlook an account of one. Did it never occur to the officers whose business it was to land supplies that if a wind and surf arose regularly at 10 A.M. every day, landing of necessary supplies should be done before ten, or by search-lights at night? Doubtless the difficulties at Santiago were very great. But efficient men overcome difficulties. It is only the inefficient who offer excuses in lieu of achievement. It was known to the surgeons in the field that calentura is not yellow fever. The dore Roosevelt is no medical expert, but even he recognized the difference between yellow fever and "fake yellow fever." "Upon inquiry it was ascertained that very few of these cases, comparatively, were yellow fever." How long did it take to make the inquiry? and how happened it that it was not decided to bring the army home as quickly as possible until the famous round-robin had set the Nation ablaze with excitement ard indignation at the delay? Over 100,000,000 pounds of rations "purchased and distributed." No! Mr. Secretary; not distributed. That is exactly the difficulty. Purchased, no doubt. But in scores of cases left locked up in cars or storehouses, or carried back and forth in supply-ships, because there were no bills of lading, or because there was no one authorized to see that they were distributed. If there had been no food obtainable, the soldiers and the country would have accepted excuses for the famine-stricken camps. What they cannot forgive is that, after the purchase of over 100,000.000 pounds of rations, the soldiers were still left hungry

because of incompetent administration in the War Department.

Failures and even blunders in the administration of that Department the American people could readily forgive-perhaps too readily. What they will not and ought not to forgive is the complacent spirit which refuses to see that there have been any failures and refuses to make any attempt to ascertain the causes of failures and recommend provisions which will make their repetition impossible. And this is emphatically the spirit of Secretary Alger's letter. In the face of the typhoid at Camps Alger and Chickamauga, of the absolute failure of adequate medical provision at Santiago, of the crowded and unsaritary condition of the transports which brought the sick soldiers home, of deaths by the score absolutely needless, of the fact that incompetence in our administration has slain more of our soldiers than have been slain by the shots of the enemy, Secretary Alger writes concerning the home camps: Every effort has been made from the beginning to furnish every camp with all appliances asked for.

And concerning the army at Santiago:

Everything that human ingenuity could devise has been done to succor that army-not the ingenuity of the Secretary of War, but the result of the combined counsel of those who have had a lifelong experience in the field.

The Secretary claims, therefore, the reader will observe, that the failure to get proper food to the soldiers in camp; the failure to furnish them with summer clothing in Cuba, compelling them to go into the battle almost naked; the lack of surgeons and medical stores after the battle; the housing them in fever-contaminated houses at Siboney before the battle, and the burning of those houses after they had done their evil work; the crowded and unsanitary condition of the transports on which the sick and dying were brought to the North; the utter lack of proper food for them en route, and their consequent arrival famished and dying from exhaustion; and the conditions in Camps Alger and Chickamauga which made them breedingplaces of typhoid fever, are all necessary conditions of war. "Everything that human ingenuity could devise has been done." We are, therefore, to believe that no human ingenuity could have prevented these dreadful scenes. The man who writes that sentence does thereby condemn himself. He affirms, not only that he is incompetent to prevent such scenes of horror, but that he

is incapable of perceiving them and of realizing the necessity of preventing them, even when they are thrust before his eyes. Secretary Alger's defense of himself seems to us worse than the original offense. Errors of administration the American people might well forgive in one who saw and regretted them after the terrible results had been seen and felt; but it ought never to forgive the self-satisfaction which refuses to see what everybody else has seen, and fails to make any attempt to ascertain the responsibility for conditions which have filled all other men with horror.

There is no hope of any inquiry under the auspices of the War Department. The President, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, might, and in our judgment ought to, order one. Blunders in our administration have slain more victims than perished in the Maine. Maine. A court as impartial and composed of men as fearless as that appointed by the President to investigate the Maine disaster should conduct an inquiry into the causes which led to their needless sacrifice.

The Quebec Conference

The Quebec Conference, about whose anticipated results in the promotion of AngloSaxon reunion so much has been said, opened at the Parliament Buildings in the city of Quebec on August 23. The American and Canadian Commissioners were all present, and, after a short preliminary discussion, Lord Herschell, the representative of Great Britain, was chosen Chairman. On behalf of the city the Mayor read an address of welcome, to which Senator Fairbanks replied in a speech which has since been widely quoted for its admirable language and temper. The first few days of the Conference have been occupied mainly with arranging the order of the discussions, and it is evident that the Commissioners expect sessions which may last through several months. Adjournments may have to be made on account of political work which is expected to require the attention of one or more of our Commissioners at home; but, independently of this, the questions awaiting settlement are so numerous and complicated, and the amount of expert evidence so great, that much time will be necessary to reach conclusions mutually satisfactory. It may be truly said that, from the Canadian point of view, the Quebec

Conference is the culmination of many efforts made by both Liberal and Conservative statesmen to treat for a settlement of outstanding matters of dispute; while from the American standpoint the change wrought is that of a more conciliatory temper and deeper interest, due to Great Britain's attitude in the war which has just closed. Successive administrations at Washington have always felt the strength resulting from the superior size and wealth of this country; they have not felt the need, even though they have seen the advantage, of concessions. The main task of Canadian negotiators ever since 1866, the year in which the ElginMarcy Treaty was abrogated, has been to overcome the political inertia, rather than the active hostility, at Washington. This has now been done, though, of course, it is no certain sign of the extent to which concessions on our side will be made.

The Outlook has already referred to the points in dispute, but further mention may be made of them, as they are practically certain to demand a considerable share of public attention for many weeks to come. It should be noted that only two of them, the sealing question and the treaty of 1817 regarding naval vessels on the lakes, involve the immediate interests of Great Britain. There were some hints that the ClaytonBulwer Treaty might come up for consideration, but no mention of it was made in the protocol. With this qualification, the matters to be settled may be broadly classified as questions of the fisheries, both Atlantic and Pacific; of the frontier; and of transportation. Under the first division comes a consideration and revision of the sealing question, and of provisions in regard to the fisheries off the Atlantic and Pacific coasts and in the inland waters of their common frontier. Under the second are the tariff question, the Alaskan boundary, the agreement of 1817 respecting naval vessels on the lakes, and arrangements for the more complete definition and marking of any part of the frontier line, either by land or water. Under the last division are the bonding privilege and the waterways. To these may be added alien labor laws and mining rights affecting the subjects or citizens of each country within the territory of the other.

The foregoing list of subjects is long and varied, but Canadian interest therein is strengthened by the recognition, never hitherto so completely given, that the Dominion

Commissioners have the power to determine Canadian demands and concessions, Lord Herschell being practically only an honorary and benevolent overseer. The most important matter is doubtless the tariff, and ine point to be decided is whether this country shall insist upon exclusive preference of American products by Canada in return for concessions, or whether, allowing Canada's preferential tariff in favor of the mother country to stand, a reciprocal lowering of customs duties independently of it can be arranged. On these points no light has been thrown as yet by any discussions of the Conference, or by any previous statement of official opinion. There is, indeed, a general desire, as shown by resolutions of Chambers of Commerce, for an extension of our trade with Canada, but the decision may hinge entirely upon the attitude of our manufacturing interests. On the other hand, the leading organ of the Liberal party in Canada has declared that under no circumstances will the preferential tariff be given up. With regard to the fisheries, a revision of the treaty of 1818 is desired by this country, so that our fishermen may enter Canadian harbors to buy supplies and enjoy other privileges now denied them. It is probable that reasonable concessions to Canadian fish in our market may effect the desired changes. Another question which has recently developed increased interest with us is the suggested relaxation in the terms of the treaty of 1817 regarding naval vessels on the great lakes. If we are to have a sufficient navy and the expected expansion in maritime interests, it is important that certain cities on our side of the great lakes should be centers for naval shipbuilding. The question is whether either Great Britain or Canada would concede this without increasing British naval strength on the lakes to an equality with our own. It is a subject involving advantages of somewhat doubtful utility in comparison with the complications that might arise from them. A consideration of the bonding privilege as enjoyed by Canadian railways will doubtless be the occasion of vigorous protests from our own railways; but this is a question which has to be considered from the standpoint of the merchant and shipper as well, and the Conference will doubtless reach an agreement based upon mutual and general interest, not upon special pleas or an alleged cause of injury to any particular interest. Then there is the great question of international water

ways, and the reciprocal use of existing canals. This involves considerations of the greatest importance to the grain-growers of the American and Canadian Northwest, for it is only by a continuous voyage from the head of Lake Superior to the seaboard, effecting a large saving in freight, that the grain of the Northwest can advantageously compete in foreign markets. Already the Governments of both countries have investigated the practicability of deepening existing canals and constructing new ones, and further consideration by the Conference may result in improvements of great importance. With regard to the Alaskan boundary, the alien labor laws, and the mining regulations a good deal has recently been said. We shall keep our readers informed as to the discussions of the Conference concerning these, as well as other matters of interest which mark the progress of the deliberations.

The Spirit of Helpfulness

If the moods of society were clearly reflected in history, it would be found that periods of depression come to communities as they come to individuals, and that, at irregular intervals, the world sweeps into the shadow of low spirits and sometimes of despair. Looking back over the landscape of the past, there are, here and there over the surface, fog-banks and low-lying clouds. which shut out the sunlight and breed all manner of spiritual disease. The man who despairs is an easy prey to temptation of every kind; for such a man has lost his way and is bewildered by the morass into which he has strayed. It is one of the peculiarities of men in a period of depression that they count their weakness strength, and regard the very absence of vitality which oppresses them as an evidence of superior intelligence. A buoyant, hopeful age is always aggressive, often turbulent, sometimes insolent; a despondent age is always self-satisfied, critical, scornful. Such an age looks back upon the enthusiasms of a more hopeful time with a pitying commiseration. It folds the scanty cloak of its own superiority about it and rejoices that it is no longer the victim of hopes, dreams, and illusions. Laying hold of one side of experience, it preaches a cheap and thin philosophy of cautious and selfish moderation.

A large part of the world has been passing through such a period of depression for the

last two decades; in art, literature, philosophy, and politics the prevailing note has been critical, skeptical, and cynical. A fog has hung over a large section of society, and has so long obscured the sun that men have begun to question whether there is any sun. The philosophy of disenchantment has been accepted not only as if it were final but as if it were noble; so great is the skill of the mind in making darkness take the place of light when the solid highway of sanity, morality, and generous ideals is forsaken! Farseeing men have known that society was lying under a fog which some morning wind would suddenly sweep beyond the horizon; but there have been many who have insisted that fog was the natural envelope of the earth, and that to live in a mist which distorted all objects and chilled the very soul was the highest of all privileges. That fog is already perceptibly thinner; sensitive minds feel the warmth of approaching sunshine; there is a rising tide of vitality and hope in the arts. Naturalism, cynicism, and skepticism have had their turn; the world has gone through its bad quarter-of-an-hour; God is becoming credible again, because the vision of society is beginning to clear.

It ought to be cut into the memory of humanity that depression is never the normal mood of healthy men; it is always the evidence of disease. When a man begins to take low views of himself and of his fellows instead of comforting himself with the feeling that he is becoming emancipated from the weakness of lesser men, let him consult a wise physician, diet himself, and take more time for exercise. Such a man needs the open air and the sunlight. Depression is always the result of intellectual, spiritual, or physical exhaustion; it marks the ebb of the tide; it stamps a period as inferior in vitality and a society as defective in creative power. The art of such a time may show signs of power here and there, but it is never sound, wellbalanced, progressive; it is always morbid, inharmonious, and retrogressive; it tends constantly to run into all manner of excesses and extravagances. It is the art of a Verlaine, not of a Tennyson.

There is a superficial optimism which is neither rational nor wholesome; a mere sensuous content which affirms that all things are as they ought to be because its own comfort is secure. There are men whose cheer