conservative in their opinions on the question of National expansion, while the other three members represent the radical view on that question. As a whole, the Commission is one of very great ability, and is undoubtedly well equipped in knowledge and capacity to cope with the extremely important questions which will come before it at the Paris Conference. Naturally, the instructions given to the Commission by the President are not made public. The first meeting of our Commissioners with those of Spain will take place in Paris about October 1; the Spanish Commissioners have not been named as we write, but undoubtedly will be within a very few days. Senator Frye expresses a hope that the treaty will be concluded and ready to lay before the Senate when it meets early in December. France has cordially welcomed the selection of Paris as the place of meeting, and the French Government is making every possible preparation to insure the comfort and dignity of the members of the Commission.

of the War

and write a new series of letters for The Outlook upon the actual conditions and possibilities of the island. In many ways our readers have shown intense interest in this special correspondence and appreciation of Mr. Kennan's accuracy, breadth of view, and fairness of mind.

The New Fiscal Policy

Mr. Worthington Ford presents in the September issue of "Harper's Magazine" a striking article upon the change in our fiscal policy which changing commercial and political relations are forcing uuon us. Reviewing our tariff policy from the beginning, Mr. Ford shows that at first it was a policy which sought revenue with incidental protection, while now it seeks protection with incidental revenue. Hamilton, he says, believed that an average duty of ten per cent. upon imported merchandise would suffice, but to-day the average duty upon taxed imports is 51 per cent. This increase of the duty, he thinks, was of itself sufficient to reduce revenues by reducing imports, and the recent growth of manufacturing in our country has made still further reductions. In 1887, for example, the imports of manufactured iron and steel brought the Nation a revenue of $21,000,000. Last year, only a decade later, the same imports brought us a revenue of less than $7,000,000. The rate of duty has not changed, but the importations have fallen to a third, because we are now producing nearly all the iron we need, and are even exporting great quantities to foreign markets. Similar changes, says Mr. Ford, have been taking place in other branches of business, and today, among the thousands of duties upon imported goods, scarcely a dozen yield any appreciable revenue. The one great revenueproducing duty that remains, he says, is that upon sugar, which promises to yield about $80 000,000 a year, or nearly half of the whole amount now anticipated from the Dingley tariff. Yet even this revenue from sugar will be cut down to $30,000,000 if, as he expects, the sugar produced in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines is admitted duty free under the annexation programme now making headway. Such reductions in cus oms revenue make it inevitable, he says, that the tariff which used to furnish the bulk of our public revenues shall in the future furnish a much smaller part, and that taxes upon corporations, incomes, and inheritances

In The Outlook for George Kennan's Story August 13 we told our readers that Mr. George Kennan had been ill with fever at Santiago, but was rapidly recovering. We regret to say that the recovery was retarded by a return of fever. Under date of August 10, Mr. Kennan wrote: "I am getting into such a condition that I can't take care of myself, and if I remain here shall have to go to a hospital. Dr. Egan says it is doubtful whether I can shake off the fever in this climate, and advises that I go North until the heavy September and October rains are over. If I don't get better, I shall probably be forced to do so. I have not been well enougn to write a letter for The Outlook this weeknor, indeed, to sit up much of the time-but will resume my correspondence as soon as I am able to do so." Accordingly Mr. Kennan sailed from Santiago on August 12 in the steamship Philadelphia, arrived in New York the next week, and is now at his summer home in Baddeck, Cape Breton Island, taking a much-needed rest and slowly gaining his usual strength. We hope to have for publ:cation next week another ins'a lm nt of his Story of the War," to be 1ollowed by one or two others embodying the results of his observation in Cuba. It is quite probable that early in the fall Mr. Kennan may return to Cuba

shall take its place. With these tendencies Mr. Ford is not in sympathy. His review of conditions is that of a historian and not of an advocate, and therefore the conclusions he reaches are the more impressive.

The Fight Against Mr. Quay

The National League of Business Men in Pennsylvania, which was organized three years ago to secure the nomination of Mr. McKinley when Mr. Quay was opposing it, has this year instituted a campaign to "redeem the next Pennsylvania Legislature from the control of the Quay machine." At a preliminary meeting held in Philadelphia last week the League resolved to direct its efforts to the nomination and election of members of the State Legislature who will earnestly and unalterably oppose all the various forms of jobbery which made the last Legislature disgracefully notorious, and who will elect in the place of the present senior Senator from this State a Senator who will fitly and justly represent the people and the interests of this great commonwealth." To accomplish this end it was resolved that the League's Executive Committee be enlarged, and directed officially to invite all parties and associations desiring to unite against the Quay machine to meet for consideration of a definite plan for the defeat of the Quay legislative candidates." This Philadelphia meeting was addressed by Mr. Wanamaker, who made it evident that his opposition to the Quay machine has not abated since the machine captured the Republican State Convention. Speaking of the last Legislature, Mr. Wanamaker said: "Men became articles, pieces of furniture, of the Quay stock, with prices attached in plain figures. The whole business of electing a United States Senator was an arithmetical problem. On the night that settled the election, legislators and leaders, showing the character of the machine and the spirit of the men, made a procession on the streets with brass bands, conducting mock religious exercises with mock hymns, and kneeling in the highway in mock prayers. Did ever before, in the history of any State capital, a Legislature and its henchmen, on the night of its first meeting, so defy public sentiment and outrage decency?" This opening of the session, Mr. Wanamaker went on, was the fit prelude to the scenes that followed, and he recalled, giving a single sentence to each, the long catalogue of scandals. "This," "This,"

he said, "is not the time to reveal the details. I can only say that each day's notorious revelations scalded the State from one end to the other as with boiling water, and that even to-day, a year after, the State is sore all over, and crying for relief." To furnish this relief the League of Business Men have set to work to secure the men and the money to conduct a vigorous campaign in every part of the State.

Editorial Silence

Following the report of the New York Canal Commission that Superintendent Aldridge had distributed among the newspapers seven times the requisite sum for advertising his contracts, attention is called by the Springfield "Republican" to the manner in which "advertising" figures among the expenditures of corporations employing lobbyists at Boston Capitol. Under an act passed during Governor Russell's administration, every person or corporation employing counsel to appear before the Massachusetts Legislature is obliged to make a sworn return of all payments made in promoting or opposing the legislation for which the counsel was engaged. Last winter a bill was introduced providing for State supervision of telephone rates. The great body of Boston's telephone subscribers petitioned in favor of its principle, but the Boston newspapers--with the exception of the "Post," which ardently advocated the measure-were either silent or hostile. It now appears from the sworn reports of the telephone company under the lobby act that of $7.756 expended directly in opposing this measure, $5,360 was paid out for advertising. A correspondent through whom we verified the " Republican's statement sends us a list of the payments made to the several papers. With the exception of the "Post," every prominent secular paper in Boston and its suburbs seems to have received a share. No distinction seems to have been made as to politics. The three heaviest payments were made to papers of different affiliations. The "Journal" (Republican) received $1,018, the "Herald" (Independent) received $800, and the "G.obe " (Democratic) $680. Seventeen other papers received smaller sums. There is not the slightest evidence that any one of the papers was directly asked to favor the attitude of the telephone company, but, as the Springfield “Republican” remarks, while "it may not be cause and effect, those corporations which pay lavishly for reading

matter are seldom or never attacked in the editorial columns." The incident again presses home the conclusion that the leadership of the press cannot be blindly followed. It is necessary for the public to observe and think for itself.

Political Conventions

In the political conventions held last week the Republicans continued to demand a more aggressive foreign policy than the Democrats. In Delaware, in Missouri, and in South Dakota they contented themselves with demands for the extension of our commerce

or our institutions which a mere protectorate might satisfy, but in California they urged the annexation of both Porto Rico and the Philippines. The important Democratic Convention was that in Ohio, where a plank was adopted declaring that the mission of this Nation was to stand for the principle of selfgovernment, and that the United States "should keep the faith upon which the war was begun and prosecuted." On the cur. rency question all of the Reublican platforms except that adopted in California stood squarely for the maintenance of the gold

standard, and even in California, where two years ago the Republicans dema ded the free coinage of silver by this Nation at the old ratio, they this year indorsed the St. Louis platform, and merely urged the President to secure an international bimetallic agreement. The Ohio Democrats indorsed the Chicago platform, and placed a special emphasis upon its nnancial plank. The Delaware Republicans, curiously enough, declared themselves in favor of "all measures to extend and protect our commercial relations with the rest of the world." When the tariff question was in the foreground, this would have sounded

like a declaration in favor of absolute free trade.

appears to be, are capable of legislative remedy. The railroads of Pennsylvania, it is declared, are charging from seventy cents to one dollar and ten cents a hundred miles for carrying a ton of anthracite coal, while the same roads are carrying soft coal at from fifteen cents to thirty cents a hundred miles. The cost of hauling a ton of soft coal is as great as the cost of hauling a ton of anthracite coal, and the burden placed upon the shippers and purchasers of anthracite is plainly intolerable. It may be for the interest of the Pennsylvania roads to charge three times as much for carrying the hard coal

produced in these districts alone as for carryfrom the West, but the proceeding is not ing the soft coal which other roads can bring only contrary to justice, but, in a pre-eminent degree, contrary to the public interests. The increasing use of soft coal instead of anthracite by railroads and factories has added greatly to the discomfort of railroad travel and city life. Every city has a right to protect its buildings and its citizens from

being begrimed by black smoke, and every State has a similar right to protect the travcised, and the use of anthracite coal or smokeeling public. These rights should be exerconsuming devices should be mandatory for passenger trains and for city factories.

a more aggressive spirit of late years than Russia, and none has apparen ly leaned more strongly upon the tacit threat of force. Moreover, it has been generally believed that Russia's diplomatic methods in her forward movements have been often unscrupulous and commonly regardless of the territorial rights and policy of other nations. That Russia, then, should be the first to suggest the possibility of universal peace is indeed surprising. The arguments set forth by the Czar are those which have always been put forward by advocates of peace and comity, with the result that these advocates have been generally termed idealists and the >rists. Making all allowances for practical difficulties and for possible motives beneath the surface, the mere fact that the Czar of Russia should seriously put forward such a proposition has in

it extraordinary importance for the future his tory of the world. As the London "Times" rightly says, "Whatever the issue, the proposal must forthwith be discussed in a practical spirit by practical statesmen of all civilized nations. No wise man will pretend that, even if this is all, it is little for the Czar to have accomplished." English papers, as might be expected, are quite alive to the practical difficulties in the way of universal peace, and peculiarly quick to suspect that the Czar's proposition has some special significance as relating to the present position of affairs in China and to England's great efforts to increase her naval strength. One English paper, for instance, suggests that the carrying out of universal disarmament would be of great disadvantage to England as compared with Russia, because the formation of a great army could be accomplished in two or three years, while such a fleet as England possesses could not, if allowed to fall into disuse, be restored in less than from ten to twenty years. Stated in brief, the proposition of the Czar is an invitation to all the nations which have representatives in St. Petersburg to send delegates to a Conference which would-to use the Czar's words "converge in one powerful focus the efforts of the States which are sincerely seeking to make the great conception of universal peace triumph over the elements of trouble and discord. It would at the same time cement an agreement by a corporate consecration of the principles of equity and right, on which rest the security of States and the welfare of the peoples." The Czar declares that he considers the present moment favorable for seeking, by international discussion, to secure to all peoples the benefits of real and durable peace. He rightly points out that the ultimate object of great international alli ances has been to guarantee peace, and that financial problems, labor problems, problems connected with the investment of capital, national culture, and wealth production, are all, to a large degree, paralyzed by the enormous military armaments of our day. It is generally understood that the Czar personally has long entertained a feeling of strong disapproval of the military burden under which Europe is almost prostrated; and this, more than most state pap rs. may be taken to express the Czar's personal views and wishes. A Conference of some kind will probably result; what will be its issue it is now im

possible to conjecture, but the mere fact of such a movement proceeding from such a source cannot but hasten the day when reason and international law will take their rightful places as supreme over brute force.

The West Indies

Mr. Chamberlain has elaborated a scheme for rescuing the West Indian colonies of Great Britain from the industrial ruin which has threatened them for some time. Jamaica and the smaller islands of the group have been almost impoverished by reason of the inability of their main industry, sugar production, to compete with the bounty-fed sugar of Continental Europe. Some time ago we stated the conclusions reached by the Royal Commission appointed to investigate the facts. Mr. Chamberlain's plan largely adopts the suggestions of the Commission, although in some particulars he has taken his own line of action. In supporting the Parliamentary vote in aid of the colonies he took broader ground than was anticipated, emphasizing the Imperial duty of protecting and developing them, and laying himself open to the charge of State paternalism and the setting of an example which might hereafter be used to draw more heavily upon the purse of the British taxpayer. It seems to be generally admitted, however, that the circumstances are exceptional, and justify a prompt relief even if it should contravene some British economic principles. This relief will be a number of loans and grants to clear away the deficits of the islands and to aid them to improve their sugar-manufacturing processes. There will also be grants for the construction of roads, for the purchase of lands for peasant proprietorship, and for the improvement of communication between the islands and Canada, New York, and London. Botanical and agricultural departments for the islands will also be established, and model sugar-factories will be erected in some of them. All these measures, however, are only subsidiary to the plan for giving the colonies a chance to compete on better terms with bounty-fed sugar. Here the question becomes an international one, and partly hinges upon the action of France in not joining the other Powers represented at the Brussels Conference in agreeing to prohibit imports of such sugar. Most of the Continental Governments have found out that the bounties are an expensive mistake, and are willing to give them up if

all the Powers can be induced to do so simultaneously. It could be done by imposing countervailing duties, but Great Britain has hitherto looked upon such a measure as a violation of free-trade principles. The most interesting part of Mr. Chamberlain's statement was that in which he declared that the Government had modified its attitude on this point, and that, if bounty-fed sugar should continue to cripple the industry of the West Indies, there would be reserved the full right of prohibiting its importation into Great Britain.

Trade with China

Our trade with China has shown a remarkable increase in recent years, and figures just published by the Bureau of Statistics at Washington reveal a commercial advance during 1897 which is highly gratifying, especially in view of the unfavorable conditions in China which tended to restrict imports. The steady gain made by the United States is shown by a comparison of American imports into China and Hong-Kong with those of Great Britain from 1880 to 1897. The comparison shows an increase of over three hundred per cent. in exports from the United States during that period, and a decrease of twenty-five per cent. in exports from Great Britain to the same market in the same time. It should be added that the figures for the United States include both domestic and foreign merchandise, wh.le for Great Britain they include only domestic merchandise. With this qualification, the exports of the United States to China for the year ending June 30, 1897, were $17,984,472, as compared with $3,978,775 in 1880; while the exports of Great Britain to China in 1897 were $35,588,580, as compared with $47,414,105 in 1880. Among the articles included in the list of exports from the United States for 1897 increases are shown in flour, bicycles, carriages and cars, fruits and nuts, telegraph instruments, telephones, scientific instruments, canned beef, bacon, hams, butter, cheese, seeds, tobacco, lumber, and other articles. There was a decline in the exports of cotton goods, though much less proportionately for the United States than for its chief rivals. The above list is interesting from more than one point of view, as it suggests the mental and moral as well as the industrial changes which are taking place in China. To see the carriage and the bicycle gradually superseding the sedan-chair, to know that the telegraph and the telephone are piercing the

leaden conservatism which finds one of its best supports in slow communication, and that scientific instruments are getting to be known and used among the people who invented the compass and then ceased to invent anything useful for centuries-these are proofs of progress which should not be lost sight of in the satisfaction felt over good business returns.

The Anti-Vaccinationists' Victory

The anti-vaccinationists in England have achieved a remarkable victory. In the course of an animated debate in the House of Commons upon a measure to secure the better enforcement of the compulsory vaccination law, the anti-vaccinationists showed astonishing strength, and finally the Government, through Mr. Balfour, offered as a compromise that the vaccination of a child should no longer be required until it was four years of age, and that thereafter it should not be required if the parent "specifies to the court that he conscientiously believes that vaccination would be prejudicial to the health of the child." This compromise has now been accepted by both Houses-the Lords at first rejecting it by a majority of ten, but afterwards adopting it by a majority of two. In the debate few members openly avowed their own belief that vaccination caused more sickness than it prevented; but continual reference was made to the fact that the number of those who so believed was steadily increasing, and that the enforcement of the compulsory vaccination law of 1854 was becoming more and more difficult. Very evidently public sympathy was against this feature of the law, and the action of Parliament seems to be almost as great a victory for the anti-vaccinationists as was the decision of the Swiss people in the referendum of 1882, when two hundred and fiftyfour thousand of them voted against compulsory vaccination, and only sixty-eight thousand in its favor. Neither in Switzerland, however, nor in Parliament, it should be noted, was a verdict reached upon the merits of vaccination, but only upon the policy of compulsory vaccination.