inspired confidence. The Orange River Colony is fortunate in having, in Sir H. J. Goold-Adams, a LieutenantGovernor who is an able and tactful administrator, who has long known South Africa and its people, is as popular with the Dutch as with the British, and whose personal influence has produced a very good effect. Like Lord Milner, he encourages the Boers to meet him half way, and to express their wishes and opinions, thereby assisting the Government in coming to a decision as to the best course to be taken.

Another influence tending to reconciliation is that of the many Free State ex-burghers of British blood, Scots for the most part, who were loyal to Great Britain while faithful to the country of their adoption, men of high standing and character, much respected by the Dutch community, who took a leading part in the government of the late Republic, and whose longexisting friendly relations with their Boer fellow-citizens have not been interrupted. Such a man is Mr. J. G. Fraser, once Chairman of the Volksraad and the member for Bloemfontein at the outbreak of the war. It was he who, with the Mayor and landdrost, tendered the submission of the capital to Lord Roberts, and later, with Piet de Wet, led the peace movement in the colony. Of him Sir A. Conan Doyle, in his history of the war, justly writes: Fraser, a sturdy, clear-headed Highlander, had been the one politician in the Free State who combined a perfect loyalty to his adopted country with a just appreciation of what a quarrel à outrance with the British Empire would mean. Had Fraser's views prevailed, the Orange Free State would still exist as a happy and independent State. As it is, he may help her to happiness and prosperity as the Prime Minister of the Orange River Colony.'

K

Mr. Fraser is now the chief of the civil members nominated to the Legislative Council of the new Crown Colony, and is the chairman of the Repatriation Board. In both capacities he is rendering most valuable service. His influence among the people is extraordinary, and while I was travelling through the country, had I not already heard of his career, I should have had to ask: And who is this Fraser of whom everyone is talking? for constantly the 'bywoners' and transport riders whom I met on the road used to bring up his name. It was Mr. Fraser had done this, or had said that, and so it must be good. If a man complained that the Commissioners would not listen to his claim for compensation I would hear his friends suggest that he should travel to Bloemfontein to see Mr. Fraser, who would put things right for him. The people regard him as their friend, and he is respected by both British and Dutch. It is the Frasers in South Africa and not the Spriggs who are bringing about the reconciliation of the

races.

In Bloemfontein I met a leading Cape Dutch loyalist, who told me that things went quite well in his district immediately after the making of peace, all the people settling quietly down, and the rebels showing readiness to be on friendly terms with the loyalists. As soon as the meaning of Sir Gordon Sprigg's weak policy became manifest, however, as soon as the rebels understood that they had nothing to fear, and that, through his defection, the Bond was still master, they plucked up heart, reviled and boycotted the loyalists, and race feeling waxed as bitter as it had ever done before. How much brighter seems the prospect in the Orange River Colony, where the Imperial Government is admirably represented by able and patriotic administrators

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and is supported by British and Dutch ex-burghers of the type of Mr. Fraser! Let armchair Radical theorists at home ponder this. In the Cape Colony, where the Constitution, so sacred in their eyes, was not suspended, where the people, that is the Dutch, rule themselves and have it all their own way, there is universal discontent and the bitterest racial hatred; whereas, in the Crown Colony, the two peoples work together in harmony, and serious disaffection appears to be all but non-existent.

The Free State Boers who were on our side in the war or who surrendered under a proclamation are so numerous that the severe boycotting of them, as carried on in the Cape, would not be altogether feasible. It is officially estimated that of the fifteen thousand males of fighting age in this colony two thousand four hundred directly took our part, that is, either took up arms for us or assisted our forces as scouts, guides, and in other capacities. Here is a sign of the times indicating that little really strong feeling can exist at present against the 'hands-uppers.' The people of Kroonstad met to elect the head of the deputation they were about to send to Bloemfontein to meet Mr. Chamberlain. The two candidates were General Christian De Wet himself, the soldier who held out to the end, and his brother Piet De Wet, the leader of the Peace Party during the later phases of the war, the advocate of surrender. Piet De Wet was elected by a considerable majority. It is another sign of the times that the bulk of the people now prefer that their children should receive their education in the English language. In the public schools, while the lessons are of course given in English, the Dutch language is taught for a certain number of hours a week to the children whose parents desire it.