an article by Dr. Frank Donaldson, an assistant surgeon, entitled "A Refutation of the False Statements Concerning Camp Wikoff," correcting some of the exaggera tions and misstatements made about the camp, there will be found also an article from Dr. William B. Pritchard, in which he uses the following vigorous language:

Not knowing when a transport is to arrive or how many sick are on board, each arrival involves a special order for supplies, ambulances, etc., through various channels, with all the cumbrous details of red-tape routine, involving invariably some delay. Such delay, together with inefficiency in providing for the situation, has cost more than one life, one poor fellow recently dying on the dock for the lack of a stretcher and

a little whisky. If the medical officer in charge had had on his person for this poor fellow's use one-tenth of the whisky which he had in his person, one life at least could have been saved. The sufferings and hardships of privates on these transports, as seen by eye-witnesses who told me of them, almost exceed the limits of human belief. Ships have come in, notably the Mobile and Catonia, loaded with desperately sick men piled like baggage in the hot, stifling hold, with only army rations for food and not enough of that, rotten water, no medicines, and not even a surgeon in attendance; while the officers, to their everlasting shame and disgrace be it said, have come in healthy, well kept, and attended by servants, fed on the best food, including fresh beef and vegetables, and with not only water, but in some instances ice. My informant, who mentioned only what he saw, told me that no less than sixteen cases of insanity

had been noted by him among the returning soldiers, due to surtering and starvation. No sick records accompanied the men, not even the diagnosis. In many cases the men did not even know the doctors.

If one-half of what Dr. Pritchard here states is true, the need for an investigation is only too evident. To his remarks we must add the statement of Dr. Lewis A. Stimson, an old soldier, and a medical man of experience and reputation. Dr. Stimson, who visited Camp Wikoff and carefully studied its conditions, declares: "From what I saw and from what the surgeons said, nearly three-fourths of the force were unfit for duty, a large number needed hospital treatment, and a few seemed not unlikely to die." Dr. Stimson particularly criticised the Government for sending sick men away when they were not fit to travel, and declared that hundreds were thus being sent away in order to relieve the crowding of the hospitals, and also that "hundreds, perhaps thousands, of men who are so weak, feverish, or nauseated that they cannot eat the regular rations are lying on the ground without other care than the daily visit of the

As was expected, Spain and the United States progress toward the final settlement between Spain and the United States is slow. Our Military Commission has reached Havana, and has been received with Spanish urbanity and formality by the Spanish Commission appointed to meet our representatives. The discussion as to the time to be fixed for the evacuation of Cuba will begin at once. A new appointment has been made by the President on the general Peace Commission to meet in Paris. Justice White, of the Supreme Court, having positively declined to accept the appointment, Senator Gray, of Delaware, has been named in his place. Senator Gray is, of course, a Democrat, and he is perhaps the most conservative man on the Commission in his views in regard to the extension of the United States' power in the East. The Spanish members of the Peace Commission have not yet been appointed, and until the Spanish parliament reaches a condition of comparative calm, it is hardly likely that the appointment will be made. Despite the stormy sessions of the past week in the Spanish Cortes, Señor Sagasta still remains in power; and his political enemies, while anxious for his overthrow, are probably not equally anxious to succeed him in the extremely difficult position he now occupies. The manifesto issued by General Polavieja, a former Captain-General of the Philippines, excited attention during the week, but is not likely to result (as its author undoubtedly hoped) in the formation of a new political party, with him at its head. It is true that General Polavieja has in times past given some excellent advice to Spain, invariably unheeded, and he may be said to represent the common-sense idea of government, and to be in earnest in his urgency that corruption and bad political methods should be abandoned. The political situation is, as always in Spain, complicated; an overthrow of the present Cabinet may take place at any minute; the Republicans have exhibited

great activity during the week, and have practically defied their political opponents to take steps against them.

The election last week The Stay-at-Home Vote in Vermont was as disappointing to the Republicans as the recent election in Oregon was to their opponents. In Vermont, as in Oregon, there was a large stay-at-home vote; but while in Oregon the stay-at-home voters were almost exclusively fusionists, in Vermont they were Republicans. The Republican plurality, which four years ago was over 28,000, and two years ago rose to 38,000, fell last week to less than 24,000. The result has naturally attracted the serious attention of politicians, because for a quarter of a century the results in Vermont in August have been followed by similar results in the Nation at large in November. The Democratic vote in Vermont has always been small, and therefore the rise and fall of the Republican plurality has been chiefly a measure of the rise and fall of the Republican enthusiasm necessary to get out the full party vote. Upon this, however, mo ́e than most people recognize, the result of elections depends. In 1894, for example, when the Democrats were defeated in every Northern State, the Republican vote was only five per cent. greater than in the preceding Presidential election, when the party seemed to be utterly routed. The overturn was due to the fact that about one million Democratic voters had stayed at home. In 1896 the Democratic vote increased from 4,400,000 to 6,300,000, and was, in fact, nearly a million greater than the Republican vote had ever been; but the Republican enthusiasm was also at a high pitch, and the party added over a million and a half to its highest previous record. In the elections held last year the Democratic vote fell off in every State except New York and Maryland, the average decline being about fifteen per cent.; but the Republican vote declined about thirty per cent., and Democratic victories were the rule.

In Colorado the conflict beParty Politics tween the Wolcott and Teller factions of the Silver Republicans ended in a fight with arms for the possession of the hall in which the State Convention was to be held. Chairman Towne, of the National Silver Republican Committee, on the receipt of

charges that the Chairman of the State Committee was working in the interests of the Wolcott or McKinley faction, had deposed him for disloyalty to the party, and the owner of the hall gave possession to his successor, a member of the Teller and Bryan faction. The Wolcott following thereupon applied to the courts for a writ of ejectment, and, when their application was denied, collected a force of from seventy-five to a hundred men, who made an attack upon the hall and drove out the guards stationed by the other faction. In this affray one of the attacking party was killed. Two Silver Republican conventions were therefore held, the Teller convention

agreeing to fusion with the Democrats and

Populists, and the Wolcott convention nominating a straight Republican ticket on a platform demanding the free coinage of silver, but generally indorsing President McKinley's administration. In Washington and in Iowa the three silver parties succeeded in effecting fusion without any bolt People's party obtained only one of the imfrom any convention. In Washington the

portant offices at stake, but their party name was accepted for the entire fusion ticket. In Iowa the platform adopted declared against the retention of anything more than coalingstations in the Philippines. In New York the Citizens' Union of this city, in conference with independents in other parts of the State, have formally nominated Theodore Roosevelt for Governor. Colonel Roosevelt has signified that he will be a candidate only if nominated by the regular Republican convention. The campaign in Maine just closed was conspicuous for the entire absence of public meetings and campaign speeches. The vote, like that in Vermont, showed a decided falling off, but much greater in the Republican than in the Democratic ranks. Governor Powers was re-elected by not more than 25,000 plurality, hardly half the plurality he had two years ago.

The anti-fusion PopuFusion and Anti-Fusion lists have ceased to fuse even with one another. Not content with their partial victory at the meeting of the National Committee in June, when it was decided that the Populist Nominating Convention in 1900 should be held in advance of the Democratic, thus making fusion difficult, the irreconcilable anti-fusionists held a convention at Cincinnati last week and decided upon the

immediate nomination of a Presidential ticket for 1900. Before this decision was reached, however, the convention had, unfortunately for itself, declared that all nominations ought to be made by the voters, instead of by delegates to nominating conventions. When, despite this declaration, a majority of this irregularly called convention decided to put a ticket in the field, many of the delegates from the Central- West withdrew, and issued a letter to the voters of the party asking them to ignore the action taken by what was left of the convention. After this secession the convention proceeded to ballot for candidates, and chose Wharton Barker, of Philadelphia, for President, and Ignatius Donnelly, of Minnesota, for Vice-President. An address was issued denouncing Senator Butler, of North Carolina, Chairman of the National Committee, for attempting to drive the Populist party into the Democratic organization, urging paper money in preference to either silver or gold, and pointing to the beneficent effects of State Socialism as exemplified in the post-office and the publicschool system. Mr. Barker, the candidate named for the Presidency, is the well-known Philadelphia financier and proprietor of “The American." Up to 1896 Mr. Barker was a prominent Republican, and in 1888 was the manager of the successful movement to secure a Republican United States Senator from Delaware. It was his belief in bimetal lism, or, if possible, a stable paper standard of value, and in the public ownership of railroads, that drove him into the People's party. The ticket will have the support of ex-Governor Waite, of Colorado, and of some prominent Southern Populists who cannot tolerate fusion with their old enemies, the DemBut in the North all the Populist Congressmen and nearly all of the more conservative Populist voters are likely to remain identified with the fusion movement until bimetallism and direct legislation are secured or abandoned.

ocrats.

gained rapidly in popularity in both of the old political parties. This year, perhaps through the desire of effective fusion with the Populists, the Democratic Conventions have been especially pronounced in their advocacy of the reform. It is now in the Democratic State platforms of Massachusetts, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota, North Dakota, Montana, Washington, Oregon, and California. As a rule, it is especially popular as a method by which to prevent the granting of city franchises at unfair terms to the public through the corruption of city councils. In California the wording of the Democratic platform is as follows: "We approve the principle of direct legislation, and favor its immediate adoption for municipal and other local purposes." The new charter accepted by the voters of San Francisco, it will be recalled, made the approval of a majority of the voters necessary to the granting of all public franchises, and this provision of the San Francisco charter, we are informed, is being adopted by other California cities now remodeling their charters. In South Dakota one of the constitutional amendments to be submitted to the voters this fall makes every act of the Legislature subject to an appeal to the voters, if a certain percentage of them so petition, and gives a similar percentage the right by petition to introduce new legislation. It will be recalled that in Switzerland direct legislation proved itself a success in the cantons before it was made a part of the national constitution. The same line of development seems likely to be followed in this country. South Dakota, the population of which is little larger than that of some of the Swiss cantons and contains relatively few immigrants, seems to furnish a favorable field for the trial of the system.

portation of goods, merchandise, or passen. gers upon land or water, building houses, structures, vessels, ships, roads, railroads, etc., and to deal in goods, wares, merchandise, and property of every class and description." The controlling spirit in the movement to consolidate these great interests is Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan. The Minnesota Iron Company, the Illinois Steel Company, and the Carnegie properties are all included in the consolidation. One hundred million dollars of the capitalization is preferred stock, bearing six per cent. interest before any dividend is paid upon the remaining hundred million dollars of common stock. The preferred stock has, in fact, most of the privileges of bonds, except that it does not empower its owners to cause the bankruptcy of the company, if in any year business is so bad as to prevent the payment of their six per cent. The fact that some of the firms entering into this combination have been able to sell large quantities of iron and steel abroad will strengthen the popular demand that the protective tariff shall not be allowed to protect trusts and deprive the consumers of their products of all the benefits of competition.

The sharp compeCanadian Pacific Competition tition between the Canadian Pacific and other transcontinental roads for passenger traffic has apparently been brought to an end by the decision of our Inter-State Commerce Commission that the Canadian line is not justly entitled to make a lower rate than the American line from Seattle to the East. Conditions have changed, says the Commission, within the last few years. When most of our transcontinental travel was to San Francisco, there was reason why the Canadian Pacific should be allowed to compete for this traffic by offering a lower rate if it was willing to take passengers a far longer distance at such rate. But now that

the opening up of the Klondike and other causes have given greater importance to the travel to Washington and British Columbia, there is no reason why the rates on the Canadian Pacific should be lower than those on its American rivals. This decision of the Commission had no binding force over the action of the Canadian Pacific, except in so far as the Commission has power to recommend further legislation restricting Canadian competition for our transcontinental traffic;

but the Canadian Pacific has decided to be governed by the decision. Vice-President Shaughnessy, of the Canadian Pacific, has issued an order that "ante-bellum" passenger rates shall be restored on the 25th of this month. This means an advance of more than seventy per cent. upon the rates in force since March 1, when the Canadian Pacific reduced the fare from Boston to Seattle from $71.75 to $40, and the fare from other Eastern points in proportion. In his circular Vice-President Shaughnessy replies to the argument advanced by some of the American roads that Canadian competition for American traffic transferred millions of dollars from this country to Canada. The Canadian Vice-President points out that there are two sides to this question, and even declares that "the Canadian Pacific would be glad to forego all claims to inter-State traffic of every description if the United States competitors made no inroads on the business tributary to its lines in Canada."

Wilford Woodruff

Mormonism again forces attention, through the death of Wilford Woodruff, President of the Church. He was the fourth of the "prophets, seers, and revelators " who have been put forth by this peculiar people, and in his time occurred some of the most important events in Mormon history. His predecessor, John Taylor, died in hiding, having become a fugitive under the anti-polygamy laws, and the meeting which elected Woodruff was held in secret. It was not until many months after he became the so-called mouthpiece of God upon earth that he dared to show himself openly to his people. Then he came forward with the manifesto which allayed all opposition to the Church by declaring that polygamy was no longer to be advocated by him or any other of the Mormon leaders. Succeeding this came his declaration that the so-called representative of God and all others in ecclesiastical authority would renounce their jealously guarded privilege of controlling their followers in all political matters. These two declarations led to the granting of Statehood to Utah, the rehabilitation of the disfranchised Mormons in Idaho, and the restoration of a great amount of Church property that had been escheated in the fight against polygamy. That the manifesto against polygamy has been strictly enforced is not generally believed in Utah, though perhaps President

Woodruff was sincere in making it. That the promise of political freedom for the Mormon people has been broken is proved beyond a doubt. Almost the last public address of the leader who made it called for an abandonment of party in Utah and union for the interests of the Church. President Woodruff saw his two great ambitions gratified when he presided at the dedication of the Salt Lake Temple, and had his son made a member of the Twelve Apostles" He had passed the age of threescore and ten, and most of his years had been given to the Church. Among the first converts, his missionary labors had taken him through the United States, England, and the Continent. He had passed through all the troublous times of his people, being one of the chief lieutenants of Joseph Smith and Brigham Young. His death brings up again the problem of succession. This question was supposedly answered by Brigham Young when he seized the leadership on the death of Joseph Smith, declared that the oldest member of the Twelve Apostles should be the "prophet, seer, and revelator," and by enforcing this declaration drove from the Church Joseph Smith's son and also the first counselor of the prophet, who had aspired to the leadership. This rule was followed in the choice of Messrs. Taylor and Woodruff. But it has always been contested, and some difficulty may be had in the selection of the next leader, particularly as George Q. Cannon, the present first counselor, is now the power in the Church, while the chief of the Apostles is aged and weak.

For a diplomatist, and an important member of the British Government, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain talked with remarkable freedom to the reporters upon his arrival in this country last week. Thus, he confirmed absolutely the statement that an Anglo-German alliance has been concluded, adding that the alliance was not at all detrimental to the interests of the United States, and that he knew nothing of an alliance between Russia and England. Again, in reference to the great question of the hour in this countryterritorial expansion and future colonial gov ernment-Mr. Chamberlain, after solemnly declaring that it would be "highly unbecoming in him to make the slightest intrusion into American affairs," as he was not a private

Mr. Chamberlain in America

citizen, ended by speaking with considerable earnestness and freedom directly upon the point. Thus, among other things, Mr. Chamberlain said:

The American people went into this war with the fixed purpose of pacifying the island of Cuba and abetting the cause of humanity. Finally, they were pledged to secure the independence of the island and the liberation of the people from bondage and oppression. The end, which has come sooner than I expected, finds the United States face to face with the question of territorial expansion, by reason of its occupation and conquest of an island in the East. This question, by virtue of the complexity and vastness of the commercial interests of such a progressive people as the Americans, was bound to come sooner or later. Having entered upon the struggle, the United States could not leave the islands involved in the warfare in a state of revolution, but must supply a peaceful and reasonably efficient govern

ment. The United States now finds itself in much the same position as ourselves in Egypt. We are bound to put down rebellion, and we shall stay there until we do. What system of colonial government your people will accept as the most practicable and efficient is now for you to decide.

Even more explicit was his reply to the suggestion that our Constitution did not contemplate territorial expansion: "No; but you cannot thwart your own destiny, and it is obvious to any student of your development that the nation is bound to reach out." Most significant and encouraging were Mr. Chamberlain's remarks on the closer relations rapidly being formed between the English and American people. It will be remembered that in his speech at Birmingham last May Mr. Chamberlain went so far as to say that "even war itself will be cheaply purchased if, in a great and noble cause, the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack should wave together." He now reiterates his earnest desire, if not for a formal alliance, at least for constant and cordial co-operation between the two countries. Moreover, he declared to the reporter that nine out of ten Englishmen agreed with him in this feeling; and in another interview, which took place in Danvers, Mass., where Mr. Chamberlain is visiting, he increased his computation by saying that he voices the sentiment of nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every thousand Englishmen. In this later interview he declared positively that England was ready to meet America more than half-way, and that it remained for us to determine how close the relations between the countries should become. It is stated that the visit of the English Colonial Secretary to this country is