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flecting persons. An institution like Yale University, by reason of its long-continued growth, its honorable history, its large resources of various kinds, its body of able professors, and its valuable libraries, must of necessity be one of the best places for study which can anywhere be found. The graduate student who pursues his studies in such an institution, abides under the most favorable influences for his intellectual life. He has everything at command which may stimulate his energy and kindle his enthusiasm; he is surrounded and impelled forward by an energetic and enthusiastic company of fellow-students; he comes into the happiest and most helpful relations in the matter of studies with the teachers, who are competent to do for him all that he needs; he has all facilities for the investigation of special subjects and the preparation of these under the wisest guidance and advice. The securing of such advantages for the graduates of the colleges for women must, in the judgment of the authorities of Yale University, be a good whose value can scarcely be overestimated, and at the same time a good upon which no counterbalancing or appreciable evil can be attendant."

The anarchists have thoroughly alarmed Europe by their agitations and use of dynamite in a dozen different places. France has been the particular scene of their outrages, and the innocent have been made to suffer as an example of the secret power which, thanks to the progress of science and invention, a few bloodthirsty individuals may wield. There is hardly a civilized country which does not harbor these criminals. They are shunted by fear of the law from one place to another, their demonstrations being directed invariably upon the defenceless. To this day they have accomplished no purpose but to dye their hands with the blood of their fellow-men. The dignity of fighting even for a wrong. or foolish opinion cannot be accorded them. They possess simply and solely thus far the doubtful merit of having instilled fear into the breasts of the timid, and a wholesome resolve on the part of the most liberal people of the earth to trample upon their persons wherever found. A weak-kneed jury in the trial of Ravachol has been universally condemned, a concession which was flattering to agitators far and wide, but the prompt and uncompromising condemnation of judge and jury alike by the world at large shows that people are in

no temper to put up with a repetition of such scenes. General indignation at occurrences of the kind, and failure to accomplish even a bad purpose, are discouragements under which any public or political movement would find it hard to succeed. Prompt action by the authorities in the Haymarket atrocities in Chicago in 1886 had a salutary effect, when five anarchist leaders were hanged. Since then the scene of anarchistic labors has moved to France, with the result of a decided miscarriage of justice, prompted by fear of personal injury. In the May number of the New Review, Stępniak claims, however, that the Chicago hanging had no other result than to add to anarchist oratory and agitation, a state of things which is manifestly not true. He also confesses in the same article to the practical failure of the indiscriminate use of dynamite as an ally. "The dynamite fraction," he says, "cannot possibly become a serious danger. The few earnest, deluded men belonging to it will play the same pitiful part as to-day, exhausting themselves in the inglorious efforts of inflicting upon themselves, 'for the glory of God,' a sort of moral self-mutilation. The head and front of the fraction will be composed of Ravachols, and the Ravachols cannot be more dangerous than the Deemings." While Stepniak places the destructive anarchist on a par with the murderer, Dr. H. S. Williams, medical superintendent at the famous Randall's Island Asylum, classes him with the paranoiacs, or "cranks" as they have become popularly known. Here he finds company with a host of misguided persons. In the June number of the North American Review, Dr. Williams analyzes the "crank" of modern times as a new development of insanity, his power for evil varying with his development. "Usually, from time to time," he explains," it suits his fancy to devote his energies to the cause of some reform league for revolutionizing society or the government. If his native temperament be amiable, he will be simply a fanatic, perhaps a socialist; if vicious, he will probably become an anarchist. He is usually nothing if not progressive, and a new fad, especially if it be an occult one, is meat and drink to him. Revivalism, spiritualism, faith-cure, Christian science, theosophy, are his pastimes. In short, everything that is vague, visionary, occult, finds a following-often the originator-among the paranoiac ranks. They will propagandize these ideas from the house-tops, but their own personal de

lusions are usually kept sacredly locked in their own bosoms. But their eccentricities of manner and speech usually cause their sanity to be called in question from time to time. If because of outrageous conduct they are placed in an asylum, often some acquaintance, regarding them as sane, stands ready with a writ of habeas corpus. And when brought before the sheriff's jury, they are usually discharged as perfectly sane. There are numbers of them at large in the community to-day, planning and, from time to time, executing such crimes as have already been cited, who have been released from one asylum or another by juries who believed that they did their duty. No doubt the average juror judges honestly in these cases according to his light, but his light is very dim."

An article by Poultney Bigelow, in the May number of the Contemporary Review, upon Bismarck, is likely to attract attention. Mr. Bigelow, a son of John Bigelow, formerly American minister at Berlin, enjoyed during his younger years an exceptional intimacy with the present German emperor, which has since ripened into a close friendship. On several occasions he has appeared in the types as an apologist for William Second, for whom it has been supposed that he spoke with some authority. The Bismarck article is a reply to one which appeared in the April number of the Contemporary, called William. The emperor was anonymously assailed, apparently by some follower of Bismarck who desired the return of the chancellor to power. The counter-thrust which Mr. Bigelow delivers, holds up the former chancellor to public gaze as a person unfit to be recalled to the high post he once held, attacks his colonial policy, accuses him of Polish intrigues, of a failure to accomplish any good by his policy of protection, of encouraging socialism, of being unable to pacify the French, and of glorying in a United Germany which he did little to foster. The closing paragraph of the article accuses Bismarck of unprofessional conduct. Bismarck has spent much of his leisure since his retirement in interviewing newspaper reporters, and spreading views calculated to embarrass his successor in office, and to prejudice the people against their sovereign. Had any one during his years of rule dared to attack him as he has been recently attacking his emperor and Caprivi, that person would have been arrested for lése-Bismarck. The present emperor has,

however, taken no notice of his late minister's unprofessional behavior. The resignation took place on March 20th, 1890. He left the Wilhelmstrasse for his country-seat one week from that date, exclaiming theatrically, ‘Le roi me reverra' -and he did, but only in print. For no sooner was he settled in Friedrichsruhe than the Daily News of Hamburg commenced abusing Caprivi's work with strange heartiness, and speaking for Bismarck with all the assurance of an officially subsidized sheet. Before the end of April, he had commenced dictating interviews to American, French, Russian, and English papers, all in the same tone of undignified complaint. Deputations of every description he received with open arms, and never failed to tell them the same tale of evil prophecy. Oddly enough, no German paper 'interviewed him until July, when he expressed great disgust at the Heligoland arrangement of the emperor. He complained bitterly that the papers, previously servile, now joined in ignoring his very existence; he apparently did not see that he it was who had made them servile, and that generosity does not keep company with servility. And although several seats in parliament fell vacant, it was striking that no great effort was made to have him elected—at least for a long time after his fall. In fact, if the emperor ever before had doubts in regard to the dismissal, they must have been effectually removed by noting to what small proportions the mighty minister has shrunk when relieved of the office which gave him such monstrous padding. Compare him for a moment with such ministers as Stein and Hardenberg, who also had their periods of retirement!"

No event has been looked forward to in the history of inventions more eagerly than the end of the patents which cover the telephone in America, which should expire in 1896. By virtue of the monopoly which the patent-law gives to the patentee, the telephone has proved a mine of wealth to its owners, while subscribers to the use of it have frequently complained of the high cost of the service. It might have proved better policy to have been more modest in these demands, yet this is a criticism which is wholly gratuitous, the price exacted depending absolutely upon what people will pay. An exorbitant fee means a smaller number of consumers, a small fee a larger number. If the fee is so high

as to be exclusive, the revenues are correspondingly decreased, and the owners of the invention suffer. In the case of the telephone, this has not been the case. Its profits have been colossal, and the policy it has adopted has proved financially all that could be expected. Nevertheless, the limit to the life of the patents has been eagerly looked forward to, and reasonably, for when thrown open to the use of the world, cheaper rates and a more common use would follow. The issuing, on the eve of the expiration of the fundamental patents, of three important patents for improvements which are essential to a perfect telephone, have led to the belief that the company which now controls telephony in the United States, will continue to do so for seventeen years to come. Litigation has been predicted as a consequence, a prospect which a vast corporation can make both interesting and endless.

Among the acts of our Congress which are of more than local importance is the passage of the anti-Chinese bill during the past month. The bill is a renewal of former restrictive legislation with clauses requiring a registration of all the Chinamen in the country. The bill has met with a great deal of criticism from the more intelligent writers of the country. There are, nevertheless, among thinking men, many who argue against the giving of an asylum to those who are unwilling to amalgamate with the natives, and it is no longer the "sandlot orators alone who lift their voices against the admission of the cheap labor of the East. Socially speaking, the Chinaman brings with him, not alone objectionable features, but he is not a genuine emigrant. He is on a par with the contract laborer, against whom legislation has been successfully directed. So much for those who favor exclusion. Against the complete exclusion of Mongolians, on the other hand, there has been a great deal said, especially by religious bodies and the religious press. The Methodists have been particularly severe in their censure of the new act. It has been termed "barbarous," a disgrace," and by other similar epithets. The opponents are well represented by the Christian Union, which sums up the question by saying that: "By this bill we have practically dubbed all Chinamen as on a par with criminals, and permitted their freedom only as 'ticket-ofleave' men. The law is a flagrant violation of treaty obligations, without any previous negotiations for a modification

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