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was sent without time for repentance to the tribunal in another world. The Patriarch owed his position to Bardas, and if he knew his weaknesses, must have appreciated his merits. We can detect in the phraseology of his epistle, and especially in one ambiguous sentence, the mixture of his feelings. “The virtue and clemency of your Majesty forbid me to suspect that the letter was fabricated or that the circumstances of the fall of Bardas were otherwise than it alleges—circumstances by which he (Bardas) is crowned and others will suffer.” 1 These words intimate suspicion as clearly as it could decently be intimated in such a case. It was impossible not to accept the sovran's assurance of the Caesar's guilt, if it were indeed his own assurance, yet Photius allows it to be seen that he suspects that the Imperial letter was dictated by Basil and that there was foul play. But perhaps the most interesting passage in this composition of Photius—in' which we can feel his deep agitation under the rhetorical figures of his style—is his brief characterization of the Caesar as one who was “ to many a terror, to many a warning, to many a cause of pity, but to more a riddle.” 2

Photius concluded his letter with an urgent prayer that the Emperor should instantly return to the capital, professing that this was the unanimous desire of the Senate and the citizens; and shortly afterwards he dispatched another brief but importunate request to the same effect. It is absurd to suppose that this solicitude was unreal, or dictated by motives of vulgar flattery. We cannot doubt the genuine concern of the Patriarch; but in our ignorance of the details of the situation we can only conjecture that he and his friends entertained the fear that Michael might share the fate of his uncle. The intrigues of Basil were, of course, known well to all who were initiated in Court affairs; and modern partisan writers of the Roman Church, who detest Photius and all his works, do not pause to consider, when they scornfully animadvert upon these “time-serving” letters, that to have

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1 δι' ών εκείνος μεν στέφεται άλλοι Jager, ib. 115. Hergenröther, i. δε κόψονται. The paraphrase of the

Valettas, in his apology for Abbé Jager (Hist. de Photius, 116) Photius (note to Ep. 221, p. 536), says entirely omits this.

that Ph. calls Basil év módel Xyotv,

etc., in Ep. 190 ; but Basil, Prefect of 2 Mistranslated by Jager, ib. 117.

the City, to whom this letter is ad3 Ep. 222.

dressed, is a different person.

4 589.

addressed to Michael holy words of condemnation or reproof would have been to fling away every chance of rescuing him from the influence of his High Chamberlain. We know not whether the Emperor was influenced by the pressing messages of the Patriarch, but at all events the Cretan expedition was abandoned, and he returned with Basil to Constantinople.

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§ 3. The Elevation of Basil and the Murder of Michael

The High Chamberlain promptly reaped the due reward of his craft and audacity. He was adopted as a son by the childless Emperor, and invested with the order of Magister. A few weeks later, Michael suddenly decided to elevate him to the throne. We can easily understand that this step seemed the easiest way out of his perplexities to the Emperor, who felt himself utterly lost when Bardas was removed from the helm Basil, firm and self-confident, was a tower of strength, and at this moment he could exert unlimited influence over the weak mind of his master. The Court and the city were kept in the dark till the last moment. On the eve of Pentecost, the Chief of the Private Wardrobe waited on the Patriarch and informed him that on the morrow he would be required to take part in the inauguration of Basil as Basileus and Augustus.

On Whitsunday (May 26), it was observed with surprise that two Imperial seats were placed side by side in St. Sophia. In the procession from the Palace, Basil walked behind the Emperor, in the usual guise of the High Chamberlain; but Michael on entering the church did not remove the crown from his head was usual. He ascended the ambo wearing the diadem, Basil stood on a lower step, and below him Leo Kastor, a secretary, with a document in his hand, while the Praepositus, the demarchs, and the demes stood around. Leo then read out an Imperial declaration : “The Caesar Bardas plotted against me to slay me, and for this reason induced me to leave the city. If I had not been informed of the plot by Symbatios and Basil, I should not have been alive

The Caesar died through his own guilt. It is my will 1 Cont. Th. 238.

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Descr. Ambonis, 60 899. (ed. Bonn, 2 There were two flights of steps up to the ambo, described by Paul Silent.,

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p. 51).

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that Basil, the High Chamberlain, since he is faithful to me and protects my sovranty and delivered me from my enemy and has much affection for me, should be the guardian and manager of my Empire and should be proclaimed by all as Emperor.” Then Michael gave his crown to the Patriarch, who placed it on the holy table and recited a prayer over it. Basil was arrayed by the eunuchs in the Imperial dress (the divêtêsion and the red boots),and knelt before the Emperor. The Patriarch then crowned Michael, and Michael crowned Basil.

On the following day (Whitmonday) Symbatios, the Logothete of the Course, deeply incensed at the trick that Basil had played on him and disappointed in his hopes of promotion to the rank of Caesar, requested Michael to confer upon him the post of a stratêgos. He was made Stratêgos of the Thrakesian Theme, and his friend George Pêganês was appointed Count of the Opsikian Theme.? These two conspired and marched through the provinces, ravaging the crops, declaring their allegiance to Michael and disowning Basil. The Emperors ordered the other stratêgoi to suppress them, and Nicephorus Maleinos, by distributing a flysheet, induced their soldiers to abandon them. When Pêganês was caught, his eyes were put out and he was placed at the Milestone in the Augusteon, with a plate in his hand, into which the passers-by might fling alms—a form of public degradation which gave rise to the fable that the great general Belisarius

1 The description of the coronation is Constitution of the later Roman Empire, given by Simeon (Cont. Georg. 832-833). p. 16. To the official description in This text (cp. also ed. Muralt, 744) Cer. the text of Simeon adds the fact is in error when it is said that Photius that the oknattpa were lowered just “took the crown from the Emperor's before the act of crowning (ok. Treobvhead and placed it on Basil's ”; the Twv, Ús doos). The skeptra, skeuê, writer meant to say, "gave it to the and banda were arrayed on both sides Emperor,"and Tŷ Baoileiw is obviously of the ambo, and the demes did obeian error for των βασιλεί. The same sance to them (Cer. ib.). The coronamistake is found in the vers. Slav. tion of Eudocia Ingerina as Augusta 108, but Leo Gr. 246 ÉTÉSWkEv aútd must have soon followed that of Basil, TBaollei, and Theod. Mel. 172 as a matter of course. απέδωκεν αυτώ βασιλεί are closer here Simeon, ib. 833, Cont. Th. 238, to the original text. The ceremony 240. Hirsch (238) observes an apis described in Constantine, Cer. 194 parent contradiction between these πρώτον μεν στέφει ο πατρ. τον μέγαν sources : Cont. Th. assigns the Thrak. βασιλέα, είτα επιδίδωσι τω μεγ. βασιλεί Theme to Symbatios, the Opsikian το στέμμα και στέφει βασιλεύς τον to Pêganês, whereas according to

" νεοχειροτόνητον βασιλέα. The senior the other accou Symbatios re ives Emperor always crowned the colleague the latter province. But κάκείνος whom he created, unless he were un- kóuns roll 'Oy. in Simeon refers to able to be present; then he assigned Pêganês more naturally than to the office to the Patriarch. See Bury, Symbatios.

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ended his days as a beggar. A month later Symbatios, who had fled across Asia Minor, was caught in an inn in Keltzênê. His right hand was cut off and he was blinded of one eye, and placed outside the palace of Lausos in Middle Street, to beg like his comrade. At the end of three days, the two offenders were restored to their abodes, where they were kept under arrest.

The joint reign of Michael and Basil lasted for less than a year and a half.

Michael continued to pursue his amusements, but we may suspect that in this latest period of his life his frivolous character underwent a change. He became more reckless in his extravagance, more immoderate in his cups, and cruel in his acts. The horror of his uncle's murder may have cast its shadow, and Basil, for whom he had not the same respect, was unable to exert the same kind of ascendency as Bardas. We cannot suppose that all the essential facts of the situation are disclosed to us in the meagre reports of our chronicles. The following incident can only have marked the beginning of the final stage of intensely strained relations.4

Michael held a horse-race in the Palace of St Mamas. He drove himself as a Blue charioteer, Constantine the Armenian drove as a White, other courtiers as Green and Red. The Emperor won the race, and in the evening he dined with Basil and Eudocia Ingerina, and was complimented by the patrician Basiliskianos 5 on his admirable driving. Michael, delighted by his flattery, ordered him to stand up, to take the

1 Simeon, ib. 834. Keltzênê is the 3 In late writers, the Emperor is classical Akilisênê, called Ekelesênê designated as Michael the Drunkard by Procopius (B.P. i. 17); 'Ekelevgivn, (ueduotńs), e.g. Glycas, ed. Bonn, 541, Mansi, xi. 613; Kellt snuń, Nova 546. Cp. Gen. 113 oivooluylas, and Tactica, ed. Gelzer, 78. It lies on the Cont. Th. 251-252. left bank of the Euphrates, north of 4 Our only useful source here is Sophene, east of Dardanalis ; its chief Simeon. Gen. and Cont. Th. slur town was Erez, now Erzinjan, north- over the murder of Michael, and east of Ani (Theodosiopolis). For a exonerate Basil. According to Gen. geographical description see Adonts, 113, Basil's friends advised him to Armeniia v epokhu Iustiniana, 48, slay Michael, but he declined, and 52 sqq. According to Cont. Th. 240, they did the deed themselves. Symbatios occupied the fort tñs 5 In Cont. Th. 250, he is called πλατείας πέτρας ; we do not know Basilikinos, where we learn that he where this was. Simeon, ib., .states was a brother of Constantine Kapthat when Symbatios arrived in the nogenes who was afterwards Prefect capital, Pêganês was brought to meet of the City, and that he was one of him, holding a clay censer in his hand Michael's fellows in his religious mumwith sulphur to fumigate him,- meries. According to this mysterious performance.

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(Constantine Porph.), Michael arrayed 2 According to Cont. Th. 241, of him in full Imperial dress and introboth eyes, and, according to this duced him to the Senate with some source the nose of Pêganês was slit. doggrel verses.

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red boots from his own feet and put them on. Basiliskianos hesitated and looked at Basil, who signed to him not to obey. The Emperor furiously commanded him to do as he was bidden, and turning on Basil cried with an oath, “The boots become him better than you. I made you Emperor, and have I not the power to create another Emperor if I will ?” Eudocia in tears, remonstrated: “The Imperial dignity is great, and we, unworthy as we are, have been honoured with it. It is not right that it should be brought into contempt.” Michael replied, “Do not fear; I am perfectly serious; I am ready to make Basiliskianos Emperor.” This incident seriously alarmed Basil. Some time later when Michael was hunting, a monk met him and gave him a paper which purposed to reveal a plot of Basil against his life. He then began to harbour designs against his colleague. He had small chance against such an antagonist.

Basil struck the blow on Sept. 24, A.D. 867.2 Michael had bidden him and Eudocia to dinner in the Palace of St. Mamas. When Michael had drunk deeply, Basil made an excuse to leave the room, and entering the Imperial bedchamber tampered with the bolts of the door so that it could not be locked. He then returned to the table, and when the Emperor became drunk as usual, he conducted him to his bed and kissing his hand went out. The Keeper of the Private Wardrobe, who was accustomed to sleep in the Emperor's room, was absent on a commission, and Basiliskianos had been commanded to take his place. Michael sank on his bed in

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1 Cont. Th. 249 (cp. 209) asserts an actual attempt on Basil's life in the hunting-field.

2 Ib. 210.

3 The Empress Theodora (who was now at liberty, see above, p. 169) had invited her son to dinner in the house of Anthemios, and Michael had ordered Rentakios, Keeper of the Wardrobe, to kill some game to send to his mother. Hirsch (66) has misapprehended this, for he says, " Theodora giebt ja im Palaste des Anthemios jenes Gastmahl, nach welchem Michael ermordet wird.” It is clear that Theodora's dinner was to be held on a subsequent day; it is mentioned by Simeon only to account for the absence

of the Protovestiarios. Michael was
murdered in the Palace of St. Mamas.
That Theodora had been restored to
liberty, though not to power, by A.D.
866, is illustrated by the letter which
Pope Nicolas addressed to her (Nov.
866). But we can fix the resumption
of her honours as Augusta to an
earlier date, A.D. 863, for in triumphal
äkta in Constantine, Cer. 332, which
belong as I have shown to that year,
“the honourable Augustae
celebrated ; see below, p. 284, n. 4.
The house of Anthemios (τα 'Ανθεμίου)
means perhaps not a “ palace,” but
(as Pargoire thinks, Boradion, 474).
the monastery founded by her son-in-
law Alexios in the suburban quarter
of Anthemios (see above, p. 127).

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