CHAPTER XXIX. The Peace of Westphalia and the Diet of THERE was little in the announcements of the preceding chapter to suggest that we had reached the end of the Thirty Years' War; or to remind us that whilst theologues were immersed in strife, the laity of the times were employed at Osnabrück and Munster, in devising the conditions of a lasting peace. There were several indications at about this date, (some of them traceable in the arrangements at Thorn, and others in the proposals for a lay-convention, somewhat later,) that men were getting weary of ecclesiastical agitators; and were looking to other sources, for the rest they yearned after. Up to then, indeed, there had been hopes that disputation would find it; and even diplomatists had shewn an interest in discussions which have long since lost their hold upon unprofessional minds. Nay, often the diplomatists were themselves theologians; in a sense and in a measure which is unknown now. And, accordingly, (as we have learnt from the case of Lampadius a,) they watched the fortunes of a theological duel, as though (almost) it touched the fate of nations. But this class of politicians was not destined to continue. And theology was to withdraw to the study and the lecture-room; to influence (as ever) the springs of thought, but not See above, p. 279. to rule the course of public events. The Peace of Westphalia seemed to determine this fact. The strong, wise words which decreed its provisions to be binding, (all bulls and protests and such-like instruments notwithstanding,) was an evidence that theology, having failed to make peace, was no longer to be allowed to be a cause of war. And proved that Germany had, (though tardily,) determined to let country supply the bond which ecclesiasticism could not furnish; acting upon the conviction that a national faith is useless if the nation be destroyed in the struggle for it. "The Church for man and not man for the Church," is the lesson we seem to read in the treaties of 1648; expressing indeed a yearning for religious union, but resolved that if union between Christians were impossible, there should at any rate be union between fellow-countrymen and brothers. But on this head they were immediately at issue with many; for theology (as such) knows nothing of country, whilst the Papacy had always made it an object to denationalize its followers, and centre their sympathies upon itself. But beyond the obstacles which were thus purely religious, there were others, (very potent,) of a mixed kind. These were the rivalries between Saxony and Brandenburg. The Elector of Saxony was the head of the Lutherans, and, (by virtue of custom and ancient claim,) had considered himself the chieftain of the Protestant world. We have seen already that on this assumption he claimed to interfere with the Lutherans everywhere, and to b "Non attenta cujusvis seu Ecclesiastici seu Politici, intra vel extra Imperium, quocunque tempore interposita contradictione vel protestatione, quæ omnes inanes et nihil vigore horum declarantur."-Instrum. Pacis Osnabr., Art. V. § 1. 1 exercise over them a sort of primacy or patriarchate. In days more near to those of Luther himself we can well understand how this might be. But the course of events was very unfavourable to such a claim; and the rising power and progress of Brandenburg would, in any case, have made it impossible to sustain the pretension. But besides a rivalry on the general question of precedence, there was, also, the rivalry of theological dissidence. Brandenburg was Calvinistic, or "Reformed," in its Protestantism. And it was natural, therefore, that the Protestants of that Confession, (struggling for recognition and equal rights,) should look to the great Elector to support and protect them; as the Lutherans looked to his rival at Dresden. They did not look in vain. Thirty years of war had taught the need of toleration. And the weight of circumstances, (with the Elector's influence,) sufficed to beat down all resistance, and to secure to the Reformed that equality of position which has ever since remained their legal right. This was, indeed, a great result. But it was far from quenching the flames of controversy. These raged (it might have seemed) with almost more of vehemence, and heated men's tempers to a degree more intense, now that logic or invective was the last chance of victory; and the power of the sword could be no longer invoked. But though this continued to be the mood of the Schools, the Governments were earnest in the other direction; and the Conferences which de ́cided upon a general peace were followed by the Congress or Diet of Regensburg, to settle the compensations and adjustments involved in it. We have alluded incidentally to this Diet already. See above, p. 42. U But it may be well here to speak of its doings more fully; in so far, at least, as they connect themselves with the fame of Calixtus. The Diet met in the year 1653; five years after the Peace of Westphalia. It was a grand representation of the mind of Germany; seeking, at the suggestion of its recognised chief, "how best the peace obtained with so much labour and trouble and cost, between the Head and the Members, and between the Members themselves and foreign Crowns, might be established; and the ancient confidence, renewed by the conclusion of a Peace, might be confirmed; and the universal Fatherland, (wearied out,) might continually remain secured from all further misunderstanding and unrest." Such was the imperial proposition to the Diet; and everything was done which might give éclat to the purpose. The Emperor was present in person; the Empress also, and the King of the Romans; four Electors, with various other high potentates; and delegates of the same, (and of the towns,) by hundreds :- whilst the coronation of the Empress and of the King of the Romans, with the presence of the families of the diplomatic corps, made Ratisbon, for the moment, the centre of fashion. Calixtus in his retirement, (sore beset with disquietudes,) might well be encouraged by the news of a congress so weighty in its testimony to the worth of union; and at which his own labours for peace stood so high, that it was difficult to supply his writings in sufficient quantity for those who asked for them. The Emperor wished him to be summoned in person. Many great men," writes one from Regensburg to a friend, "set a very high value upon Calixtus. It d Meiern, Acta Comitialia Ratisbonensia, Part I. p. 239; in Henke, II. ii. 270, note 1. is said, (and there is probably some foundation for the report,) that the Emperor has several times discusșed . . . . the adviseableness of inviting him to Regensburg, that he may confer, in a friendly way, with some of the more moderate of the opposite party.” Amongst the delegates were many personal friends of Calixtus; and especially his close relation Schwartzkopff. He was sent to represent the Court of Wolfenbüttel; and from his letters to his brother-in-law we learn some curious particulars, which may help us to realize the course of events. The first of these letters is dated from Nürnberg; and was written on his journey to the place of meeting: "Feb. 17, 1653. I have got thus far (God be thanked for it) successfully and well. I hope to get on to-day to Altorf, and to reach Regensburg to-morrow. . . . At Erfurt and all the places through which I have passed, but especially here, there is the greatest desire for our dear gossip's works. They complain extremely that they cannot get them. Such as I had, with me, are all gone already; and I must beg my dear Gossip to put together a parcel of them, and to send them to the Most Illustrious. From there, they will be forwarded. . . . At Leipsic and Dresden every one complained of Hülsemann, for pride and arrogance. will yield to no one." He The next letter gives a description of the position of things at Regensburg: e "March, 1653. No signs, yet, of a proposition, Briefw., p. 270. f"der Herr Gevatter;" the name of affection which Schwartzkopff always gives him. Duke Augustus, at Wolfenbüttel. |
