are merely self-deceived devotees of authority, are not handicapped by any similar a priori. We may be as sure as Father Vaughan is that socialism as a program is chimerical, and that socialism as a diagnosis errs, but we may at the same time be as sure as the socialists are that capitalism rests on a social fallacy, and that no convincing formula for the correction of the fallacy is at present in sight.

The essential difference between the Jesuit propagandist and the Protestant professor of church history' appears first in the fact that the latter is not obliged to beg the question at the outset, by assuming that the cardinal human institutions, family, state, private property, and the church, are essentially impeccable and unalterable; second, that he thinks he finds the remedy for social ills in Christianity, not as a finished creed but as a vital spirit. Professor Rauschenbusch does not fall into the banality of denying that there is something fundamentally wrong in our social order. Such a passage as the following may indicate the substance of his indictment:

In all the operations of capitalistic industry and commerce, the aim that controls and directs is not the purpose to supply human needs, but to make a profit for those who direct industry. This in itself is an irrational and un-Christian adjustment of the social order, for it sets money up as the prime aim and human life as something secondary, or as a means to secure money. The supremacy of Profit in Capitalism stamps it as a mammonistic organization with which Christianity can never be content. "Profit" commonly contains considerable elements of just reward for able work; it may contain nothing but that; but where it is large and dissociated from hard work, it is traceable to some kind of monopoly, privilege and power-either the power to withhold part of the earnings of the workers by the control of the means of production, or the ability to throw part of the expenses of business on the community or the power to overcharge the public. In so far as profit is derived from these sources, it is tribute collected by power from the helpless, a form of legalized graft, and a contradiction of Christian relations (p. 312).

The author's program is summed up in this paragraph:

Christianizing the social order means bringing it into harmony with the ethical convictions which we identify with Christ. A fairly definite body of moral convictions has taken shape in modern humanity. They express our collective consciences, our working religion. The present social order denies and flouts many of these principles of our ethical life and compels us in practice to outrage our better self. We demand therefore that the moral sense of humanity shall be put in control and shall be allowed to reshape the institutions of social life (p. 125).

1 Christianizing the Social Order. By Walter Rauschenbusch. Macmillan, 1912. 493 pages.

There is no more stirring plea in our literature for renovation of our social system than Professor Rauschenbusch's appeal in this book. It is unequivocal, but after all it is not radical. Its indictment of capitalism proves to be an arraignment of workings, not a demonstration of false principles which foreordain the workings. While the Catholic and the Protestant set out from opposite directions, they virtually fail at the same point. Each reaches his limit in the conclusion, which in the one case was also the assumption, that the source of all existing social ills is not anything essentially defective in our social principles, but defiance of a competent moral guide in applying the principles. The one assumes that Christianity as represented by the Catholic church is a sufficient moral authority. The other assumes that Christianity as represented by a widely diffused moral consensus is a sufficient moral index. The one supposition is as unauthorized as the other. Neither the church nor Christianized conscience can say anything conclusive about Panama tolls, for instance, until knowledge not now possessed by either has illuminated all the relations of cause and effect that would be affected by the possible alternatives. What is true of a casual incident in our social order is incalculably more true of relations fundamental to the order. Neither the church nor Christianized conscience can say anything conclusive about capitalism as a peculiar social régime, until capitalism in all its moral connotations has been analyzed beyond our present insights, and until all its implications have been more completely exposed. There is much more potential mitigation of social ills in Christianized conscience than has yet been realized, but there is not enough to catch up with the accelerated mischief-making of the false principles which are chiefly chargeable with the ills. Practically all modern consciences, no matter to what degree they are Christianized (and by no means all who call themselves socialists are exceptions to the rule), are mortgaged to certain preposterous capitalistic presumptions. These underlying economic presuppositions remaining unrevolutionized, the goodly fellowship of the apostles could not operate our industrial system and make its workings just.

Capitalism is rooted in the superstition that wealth produces wealth, and in the derived illusion that ownership confers upon the owner a just claim to more wealth. Capitalism is accordingly a system in which the title to dividends of some men who do not work, is regarded as equally sacred with the title to wages of other men who do work. We have institutionalized these immoral assumptions in artificial personscorporations—and we have thus given ungovernable cumulative force

to the injustice which they sanction. This central injustice of capitalism would be comparatively harmless if it were confined to application through natural persons. Incorporating the injustice has not only multiplied its power, but it has so diffused its stultifying effects that most of the thrifty members of society have unwittingly accepted retainers as supporters of the injustice. The illusion and the superstition that are the capitalistic breath of life are often more tenacious in the man with a hundred dollars in the savings bank than in the millionaire. That being the case, a task of economic enlightenment is first in order. Otherwise appeal to Christianized conscience is merely recourse to charity vitiated by ignorance.

For different reasons, both the books referred to should be read by every serious student of the social situation. By contrast they interpret each other. The Catholic writer is zealous for the glory of the church first, and incidentally for the well-being of men. The Protestant author is ardent for the well-being of men first, and secondarily for the church as a means to that end. The contrast will be most impressive if readers invert the order in which the books were named.

UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

ALBION W. SMALL

BRIEF MENTION

OLD TESTAMENT

OESTERLEY, W. O. E. The Wisdom of Jesus, the Son of Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus, in the Revised Version, with Introduction and Notes. [The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges.] Cambridge: The University Press, 1912. civ+367 pages. 6s.

Here is at last an excellent commentary in English upon Ecclesiasticus. We have been deluged with textual and critical studies upon the book, and the work of interpretation has naturally had to wait till these primary problems were disposed of. But this book was well worth waiting for. A relatively full introduction acquaints the reader with all the available facts regarding title, authorship, date, historical background, history of the book, the language in which it was composed and the translations that were made from it. A large section of the introduction furnishes a clear and objective statement of the teaching of Ecclesiasticus regarding God, sin, future life, idea of wisdom, etc.

The commentary proper is as full as the size of the volume permits. A very large proportion of it is devoted to recording the variant readings afforded by the Hebrew, Syriac, and Latin texts. The explanations are confined to passages that need illumination and are adequate for their purpose. No better handbook for the interpretation of Ecclesiasticus could be furnished to the general public. Dr. Oesterley's scholarship is of a high order and his judgment is well-balanced.

CORNILL, C. H. Einleitung in die kanonischen Bücher des Alten Testaments. 7th Ed. Tübingen: Mohr, 1913. xvi+328 pages. M. 5.

The seventh edition of Cornill's Introduction follows the sixth after an interval of only four and a half years. The German public thus shows its appreciation of this excellent handbook. The size of the volume is practically unchanged; yet there is no diminution in the quantity of its contents. This is due to the fact that much more of the matter is presented in small type. The new material is made up chiefly of references to the important literature of the subject since the last edition. Little notice is taken here of any but German books, but since this is primarily a manual for German-speaking students, no serious objection can be made to such discrimination. In this connection attention may be called to a few corrections that should be made in the next edition. On p. 185, read J. M. P. Smith; insert Na. between Zeph. and Mal.; and delete Na. after "Ward." On p. 202, change "W. H. Ward" to "J. M. P. Smith" and read "1911" for "1912." On p. 130, read "E. L. Curtis and A. A. Madsen." But the high standard of proofreading which has characterized earlier editions, is well maintained here.

Adaptation to newer points of view in Old Testament Introduction sometimes appears. For example, a new section is added discussing the probability and practical certainty that much of the content of the P code was in existence as custom and tradition long before its codification in its present form. Yet, no reference apparently is made any where to the discovery of the Elephantine papyri and the questions they raise for the student of Old Testament Introduction. The great bulk of the book is reprinted as in the sixth edition. No changes of front on the author's part are discernible. He represents the school of Wellhausen and follows not after the strange gods of newer methods, which he does not hesitate to classify as "no-gods." Cornill's Einleitung, like Driver's Introduction, and Gesenius' Grammar and Dictionary, bids fair to become one of the established institutions of Old Testament science, and doubtless has vitality enough to adjust itself from time to time to changing conditions. May its author live long to direct the course of its progress!

CHEMINANT, P. Les Prophéties d'Ézéchiel contre Tyr (XXVI-XXVIII, 19). Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1912. x+129 pages.

The "Phoenician" chapters of Ezekiel are especially rich in information regarding that old commercial island seaport Tyre. M. Cheminant presented an exposition of them as a thesis for the Doctor's degree to the faculty of theology of Angers. It commends itself as a thorough, careful, clean piece of work. The critical notes, especially on the Hebrew and Greek text, occupy from two-thirds to seven-eighths of each page, and show that the author has laid under tribute to his purpose the latest archaeological material touching Phoenicia. In the literary and historical criticism of the prophecies against Tyre the author's wide range of reading and study is apparent on every page, and his treatment is clear, as we expect from French scholars.

TROELSTRA, A. The Name of God in the Pentateuch. Translated from the Dutch by Edmund McClure. London Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, 1912. 92 pages.

25.

The activity of the earlier Biblical scholars of Leyden, Holland, is fully sustained by the men of the present generation. The modern critical school, while vigorously

protesting against the methods and results of Kuenen, has not abandoned in toto his methods. The present school has a documentary theory of its own, which has its own difficulties and its own ways out of them. Troelstra delivered this lecture to the students in the University of Leyden. The pith of the discourse is the fact that the Hebrews had different names for the Deity, and that they were not always careful to draw a sharp distinction between them. This latter being true, as seen in a large number of proof texts, it is not safe to make the appearance of different names the basis for separating the so-called documents of the Pentateuch. But the lecturer seems to ignore the fact that this is only one of the many data on which the partition is made. Numerous notes are given to substantiate the author's position. But at the end the reader has an uneasy feeling that his arguments though plausible are not conclusive.

KNABENBAUER, JOSEPH. Commentarius in Psalmos. [Cursus Scripturae Sacrae, auctoribus R. Cornely, J. Knabenbauer, Fr. de Hummelauer. Commentariorum in Vet. Test. Pars II.] Parisiis: Lethielleux, 1912. 492 pages. Fr. 10.

Scholars are always ready to welcome any new light on the Psalter. Knabenbauer, as one of the editors of the Cursus Scripturae Sacrae, releases to the public cum approbatione superiorum a commentary on the Psalms. All but sixteen pages of an introduction are devoted to the commentary proper. The assumed validity of the superscriptions including authorship relieves the author of troublesome questions at the outset. The exposition of each psalm is preceded by the Vulgate translation, with each two metrical lines separated by a bar. A new translation is not attempted but the commentary is built up around the Vulgate, authorized by the Council of Trent, April 8, 1546. In the comments the author gives first place to the church Fathers, S. Basil, Jerome, Theodoret, Eusebius, Chrysostom, Augustine, etc., and the early Greek versions, LXX, Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion, quintae and sextae. Modern writers on the Psalms, especially non-Catholic, receive slight recognition. AMANN, FRIDOLIN. Die Vulgata Sixtina von 1590: Eine quellenmässige Darstellung ihrer Geschichte. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1912. xix+160 pages. Fr. 4.50.

The Council of Trent decreed April 8, 1546, that the Vulgate when corrected, should be the authoritative edition of the sacred Scriptures for use in the Roman Catholic church, but failed before adjournment to appoint a commission to carry out the purpose of the decree to issue such edition. The author of this booklet discusses the problems that surround the issuance of the first authoritative edition by Pope Sixtus V in 1590, in the light of documents which he worked over in various libraries of Italy, especially that of Venice. He gathered many details in the diaries of Severoli and Massarelli which help to fill up gaps in the long story of the Vulgate problem from before the Council of Trent to 1590. Not until 1566 (twenty years after the Council) was a commission of five cardinals and twelve advisers appointed to take up the task of correcting the Vulgate for an official edition. This commission merely trifled at the work. Not till 1585 at the accession of Fra Felice as Sixtus V was the revision undertaken by men who were both able and effective, appointed by the new pope. Five years of vigorous, careful work produced the first official authoritative Scriptures