Vol. 60

The Army Investigation

The Commission has begun its investigation into the administration of the War Department. Generals Wheeler, Boynton, and Lee have been heard. The public will expect that all Generals will be inclined to make as good showing as they honestly can for the Depart ment under which they were conducting their campaign. The spirit of loyalty would demand this much of them. It will also expect to find that there have been exaggerations of evil and unreasonable complaints. Both expectations are met by the testimony as reported in the daily papers. On the whole, the showing of these witnesses indicates a better condition of affairs than the reports in the public press have indicated. General Wheeler insists that the troops had sufficient rations in Cuba, and, if they suffered from want of food, it was because they threw their rations away when they went into action; that the tents were left on board the transports in order to expedite the march; and that the disease in Cuba was chiefly due to climate. But his testimony brings out the fact that the transportation facilities at Camp Wikoff were inadequate, and that when he arrived the tents were without floors, there was a scarcity of nurses, and disinfecting plants had to be provided. General Boynton declares that the typhoid fever at Chickamauga was imported from State camps; but he admits, though apparently somewhat reluctantly, that after General Brooke went to Washington military discipline declined and proper sanitary conditions were not maintained. The public, which desires to know the actual truth, will, however, remember that the press reports both of camps and of battles in the Civil War proved often more trustworthy than the official reports from officers in the field, and while it will make allowance for exaggeration in certain journals, and for the probability of unreasonable complaints in certain quarters, it will still expect that the spe

No. 7

cific charges made by responsible accusers such as George Kennan, Richard Harding Davis, Poultney Bigelow, and the men whom they have quoted, will be much more thoroughly inquired into than has as yet been done, if we may judge from the published reports of the proceedings already had.

The Peace Commission

The sessions of the Peace Commission in Paris have gone on uninterruptedly during the past week, and, although the newspapers have been filled with all manner of reports concerning the results of these sessions, it may be authoritatively stated that no trustworthy intelligence either of the course of the discussions or of the results reached has come to the public; all reports of interviews with the Commissioners or letters from them may be promptly dismissed. It is probably true that the Spanish Commissioners expected to go through the time-worn course of diplomatic deliberations; to put forth claims which they did not expect to be conceded, and to have to consider demands from the other side which were simply preliminary diplomatic fencing. The American Commissioners have undoubtedly stated their case frankly, and are probably declining to modify their position on all matters in which they have come to an agreement in advance. The recognition by the Spanish Commissioners that the American Commissioners say precisely what they mean and mean what they say will facilitate the process of reaching a conclusion. General Merritt arrived in Paris during the week, and has undoubtedly furnished the Commissioners with the results of his careful observation of conditions in the Philippines. It is reported that the Spanish Cabinet has been hoping to make an arrangement with some of the Great Powers which should dispose of the Philippines in such a way as to keep them out of American hands, and to

set some Great Power in antagonism to any attempt on the part of the United States to retain the islands, but that the various Governments have finally destroyed this hope by their definite refusals to touch the question. The French would prefer that the Philippines should be controlled by the United States than by Germany; while Germany, recognizing that in all probability the United States and England are likely to act together in the South Sea, desires to co-operate with rather than oppose them. England is, in fact, already reaping the fruit of the good will between the two countries in the softening of her relations with Germany.

His first desire is that the Treaty of Paris shall provide that Spain shall wholly relinquish the Philippine Islands; and, secondly, he is anxious that the experiment of self-government may be tried by the people of the islands, with the assent and assistance of the United States. It seems very clear that the people of the islands will not again submit to Spanish rule, from which they are now actually freed throughout nearly their whole territory, and that, therefore, if the United States forces should be withdrawn and Spain should attempt to resubdue the islands, a bloody struggle would ensue, the existence of which would dishonor the United States.

That Aguinaldo desires to try the experiment of self-government is natural enough, since he will be at the head of the nation thus constituted. What the United States wants to know is, What is the wish of the men on the island of Luzon who own property, who possess intelligence, and on whom the future progress and the final civilization of the island depend? If they are willing to trust an Aguinaldo government experimentally, there is no reason why the United States should not do so. If they are as much afraid of the rule of the insurgents as they are of Spanish rule, and desire to be protected against both, and especially if the insurgents

themselves are held together either by the cohesive power of the hope of plunder or by a fear of the restoration of Spanish power, and are ready to welcome an American gov ernment which will insure protection to their lives and property, Aguinaldo's personal desires should and will count for very little. This is a point on which the country has to wait for further information.

The Indian War

The facts respecting the socalled Indian war, as we gather them from the public press, are simply and easily stated. Certain Chippewa Indians in northern Minnesota were engaged in the illegal sale of whisky within the limits of an Indian reservation. In order to convict them, United States officials summoned Bush Ear, the leader of the band, as a witness. He refused to go, on the alleged ground that on a previous summons he had not been paid his witness fees. He was then taken under a warrant, and was rescued from the marshal by a sudden and fierce attack of some of his band.

The so-called Indian war has been

simply a determined and very legitimate effort to arrest Bush Ear and his rescuers, and, after a brief engagement with the Indians,

this effort has succeeded. It is the same sort of war as not infrequently occurs in other parts of the country when legal process is resisted and force has to be called into requisition to put the resistance down. It appears probable, however, that this resistance never would have taken place if the Chippewa Indians had not been made discontented by previous injustice suffered at the hands of white men, in this proposed removal from their present quarters to another reservation, in the failure to pay them for improvements which they had made in their present quarters, and in apparently flagrant dishonesty in the valuation of their timber by politically appointed inspectors under the last Administration. In this, as in most cases, Indian wars are traceable to AngloSaxon injustice, and that in turn to politics in the Indian Bureau. In this case the cost to the country has been the life of a brave officer and of several men of his command.

against him. It seems that certain letters from him were found in a private drawer of the cashier's desk at the People's Bank, used by the late cashier of the bank. The discovery of these letters was, according to the reports, a surprise both to him and to his counsel, and the latter fought hard against their production in evidence. The Outlook will not attempt to express any judgment respecting their legal effect, but on their face they indicate that Mr. Quay was using the influence which he had with the bank, grow ing out of his securing for it the State deposits, in order to borrow money from the bank for various speculations, especially in the Metropolitan Traction Company and in Sugar stock. The thoughtful reader will be apt to recall the fact that the Metropolitan Traction Company of Philadelphia has been dependent on political influence, and that the Sugar Trust in Washington has not been independent of it, and he will be apt to draw the conclusion that a Senator who secures for a bank the deposits of the State on such conditions that the bank pays no interest for the use of the money, and then borrows funds from the bank to carry on speculations in the stock of corporations whose prosperity is dependent on political influence which he can exert, is not-to put it mildly-above suspicion. The public will await with great interest the final result of the legal investigation in this case.

Since our last report The Quebec Conference of the Quebec Conference the negotiations have been going on, and a considerable amount of work has been accomplished, though the exact nature of it cannot be learned from the members of the Commission. The proceedings have again been varied by festivities which, though,having no direct relation to the objects of the Conference, can hardly fail to increase the good feeling which makes mutual concessions more probable. The reception of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Boston was of the most enthusiastic description, and the speeches made by Senator Fairbanks, Lord Aberdeen, and Major-General Hutton, commanding the Canadian militia, were statesmanlike as well as most cordial in recognition of the bonds of interest and good will which tend to bring English-speaking peoples closer together. The Commissioners have been busy taking evidence in regard to the ques

tion of reciprocity, and have heard additional deputations representing special interests. The New England Free Trade League has sent to our Commissioners an elaborate argument to prove that reciprocity would not injure our agricultural interests. The Hon. D. S. McMillan, an ex-Senator of this State, was sent to Quebec on behalf of the malting interests of northern New York and Pennsylvania, to urge the abolition of the prohibitive duty of thirty cents on Canadian barley, which is superior to any other for malting purposes. On the other hand, deputations representing certain Canadian manufacturers have urged the retention of the present duties against our manufactures of a similar kind. The Attorney-General of British Columbia appeared to state the views of his Government on matters before the Commission affecting the welfare of that province. On all these matters no conclusion has yet been reached, and on Monday last the Conference adjourned to meet at Washington on the first of November. There has been a great deal of discussion concerning the Rush-Bagot Convention of 1817, according to which Great Britain and the United States agreed upon certain restrictions as to the building of war vessels upon the great lakes. Contrary to the common impression, this convention can be dissolved on six months' notice given by either party, and the desire of ship-builders in our lake cities to construct such war-ships of the smaller type as may be needed by our Government has given a strong impetus to the movement for abrogation. Judging from newspaper reports and speeches of prominent men, it is a subject on which the Canadians are very sensitive, and they appear to look upon it as involving the sending of a British naval force to the great lakes. It is necessary to add that the reports of a settlement of the Alaskan boundary question are not confirmed.

lain and the French foreign office, a British Commission, composed of Sir John Bramston and Admiral Erskine, has been investigating the subject, and will shortly report upon it. Broadly stated, the issue is whether the fishing rights acquired by France under the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, the Treaty of Paris in 1763, and the Treaty of Versailles in 1783, have been exercised in good faith by that power, or whether certain provisions of those treaties have been violated. The strip of coast subject to French rights extends eight hundred miles from Cape Ray north, east, and south as far as Cape St. John. Within those limits the privilege of catching fish and drying them on land is allowed, but the establishment of any settlement or for tification is forbidden. When the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon were ceded to France for fishing purposes, similar restrictions as to settlement and fortification were imposed. On behalf of Great Britain it is claimed that she has scrupulously protected the French fishermen in their rights, even to the extent of arousing the strong resentment of the Newfoundlanders; but the latter claim that France has assumed certain privileges not authorized by treaty and exceedingly injurious to the prosperity of the colony. Not only the west coast, but half a mile inland, has been used by France to prevent the building of any British port or railway terminal.

St. Pierre, contrary to treaty, has a settled population of more than three thousand, has been fortified, and is alleged to be injurious to the Dominion as well as Newfoundland by reason of the smuggling trade. Such are the main difficulties. The collateral right of which France is most tenacious is that of recruiting sailors for her navy, of which St. Pierre, Miquelon, and the west coast are nursing-grounds. On the other hand, the English-speaking portion, who look upon the island as their own, have reached the limit of patience under the blighting restrictions which hamper them, and are firmly resolved upon a change. The hope is that Mr. Chamberlain may grant some concession in Africa or in Asia for which the relinquishment of the west shore rights will be accepted as an equivalent.

The situation in China The Situation in China has become almost as mysterious as the Dreyfus case. No one seems to know whether the Emperor is dead

or alive, but it seems to be taken for granted that, if he is not dead, a worse fate has probably befallen him, and that his death is merely a question of time. The difficulty of arriving at any opinion on this subject is brought out by the fact that the Chinese Embassy in London first announced the death of the Emperor, and then, later, sent out a denial of the report of his death. Whether the Emperor still lives or has been put to death, the definite fact in the situation seems to be that the Dowager Empress is governing China, and that her dominance means the restoration of Russian influence at Pekin. So far there has been no serious disturbance in any part of the Empire, but there have been ominous mutterings, foreigners have been insulted and stoned, and the Embassies are protected by special guards.

Affairs in Crete

The Sultan has acceded to the joint demand of Great Britain, Russia, France, and Italy, and the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Crete will be completed within a short time. This ends the insurrections and bloodshed which have marked Turkish rule in Crete, and is a distinct step towards the settlement of the ultimate position of the island. But there is still a Cretan question, even if the power of Turkey is broken. An indefinitely prolonged joint occupation is out of the question, and the alternatives would then be reduced to independence, annexation to Greece, and control by one of the Great Powers. The inhab itants have more than once manifested their desire for annexation, but Greece is so crippled by indebtedness that she is herself practically a vassal State. As to independence, the Cretans have very little capacity for self-government, and the population is mixed. Its present position tends to place Crete under the control of that Power whose interest is strongest, whose, naval force is predominant, and whose place in the balance of power concentrates less antagonism in the Mediterranean than elsewhere. Great Britain alone meets these conditions, besides possessing the temporary leadership in the changes now going on. Italy is her stanch naval ally, and France or Russia, striking either singly or in combination, would have to meet the united fleets of Italy and Great Britain. The latter is already so strong, by the possession of Gibraltar, Malta, and Cyprus, that Crete is not absolutely necessary to her;

but her desire to hold Egypt is so strong that she is bound to avail herself of any new accession of strength in the naval control of the Mediterranean. Russia's ruling interest is in China, and France's unaided navy is no match for that of Great Britain. It would seem, therefore, that the latter has a decided advantage in the conditions which determine the control of Crete by any one of the Great Powers. It would certainly be best for the tranquillity and progress of the island if such were its destiny.

Affairs in Northern India

There are very few indications of fur. ther resistance among the tribes on the northwestern frontier of India. The Afridis and Zakka-Khels show no disposition to come into conflict with the British again, and the former are readily enlisting in regiments of the Indian army. Another cause of the more peaceful outlook is the decline of the fanatical agitation started by the Mad Mullah, who is now discredited. Native levies are heartily co-operating with the British in holding the Khyber Pass, and nearly all the terms of submission imposed have been complied with. The British policy is to strengthen the friendship shown by these formidable tribes for their late enemies, and to use them as military allies. Properly officered, they would be among the most efficient soldiers in the world.

There have been no new de

Unrest in Paris velopments in the Dreyfus matter during the past week. Public attention has been diverted by the spread of a great strike which may assume alarming proportions. The strike began with the Parisian workmen of the lowest grade-the day laborers-but now includes the masons, ironworkers, stone-cutters, the house-building guilds, the plumbers and truckmen, and kindred trades. Of the two hundred thousand workmen in Paris who have to do with the building of houses, forty thousand are now on a strike-well organized, officered by Socialist or Collectivist leaders, with guards distributed at working places throughout the city to prevent non-striking men from taking the strikers' places, and with flying squadrons of strikers on bicycles moving from point to point in order to reinforce any threatened position. The leaders, meanwhile, are in

permanent session. All the buildings in course of construction are guarded by troops; the garrison of Paris has been reinforced, and it is stated that General Zurlinden, the Military Governor, has nearly sixty thousand men under his orders. The situation presents two alarming possibilities: the danger that further delay in the work on the Exposi tion buildings, now at a standstill, may seriously interfere with the opening of the Exposition in 1900; second, the danger that in the excited condition of public opinion some new incident in the Dreyfus affair may be taken up by the strikers and a labor movement become merged into a political or revolutionary movement.

Professor Dicey's disEngland and America cussion of the growing cordiality of feeling between this country and England in the current number of the "Atlantic Monthly" is of a piece with the discussion of this subject from the beginningthat is to say, it is free from hysteria, sentimentalism, or extravagance. Nothing has been more reassuring as respects the permanent character of the present feeling between the two countries than the sobriety and calmness with which it has been discussed on this side of the Atlantic. Professor Dicey brings out the fact that the sudden expression of cordial feeling in England is not an indication of a sudden revolution, but is rather the coming to light of a progression of feeling going on in that country for many years past. For nearly thirty years, he reminds us, every English statesman worthy of the name has been studious to promote good will between the two countries. All English public men have perceived the great value to England of the maintenance of cordial relations with this country, because England has so much more in common with us than with any other nation; because both countries are devoted to industrial progress; because both are naval rather than military powers; and because the two countries together are destined to become the dominant power in the world. England has also recognized the fact that permanent alliance between herself and any Continental power is extremely difficult; the price which England pays for her world-wide empire is not only great accessibility to attack, but very general envy among other nations. Professor Dicey does not believe that far-reaching policies can be based on sentiment, nor does he